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What’s a Pig Butchering Scam? Here’s How to Avoid Falling Victim to One.

2 years 6 months ago

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If you’re like most people, you’ve received a text or chat message in recent months from a stranger with an attractive profile photograph. It might open with a simple “Hi” or what seems like good-natured confusion about why your phone number seems to be in the person’s address book. But these messages are often far from accidental: They’re the first step in a process intended to steer you from a friendly chat to an online investment to, ultimately, watching your money disappear into the account of a fraudster.

“Pig butchering,” as the technique is known — the phrase alludes to the practice of fattening a hog before slaughter — originated in China, then went global during the pandemic. Today criminal syndicates target people around the world, often by forcing human trafficking victims in Southeast Asia to perpetrate the schemes against their will. ProPublica recently published an in-depth investigation of pig butchering, based on months of interviews with dozens of scam victims, former scam sweatshop workers, advocates, rescue workers, law enforcement and investigators, along with extensive documentary evidence including training manuals for scammers, chat transcripts between scammers and their targets and complaints filed with the Federal Trade Commission.

“We’ve had people from all walks of life that have been victimized in these cases and the paydays have been huge,” said Andrew Frey, a financial investigator for the Secret Service, the federal agency that is taking a lead role in combating online crime and trying to help victims recover their stolen funds.

These swindles are not only highly organized but also systematized. Here’s how the fraudsters typically go about it, including photographs, excerpts from text exchanges between scammers and targets, advice from training guides for fraudsters and police reports from pig butchering cases:

1. Create a fake identity

Pig butchers most often begin by creating a phony online persona, typically accompanied by an alluring photo (which itself might have been stolen) and images that convey a glamorous lifestyle.

This Instagram profile was reported to the Federal Trade Commission by a Florida resident who complained of losing $89,000 to a pig butchering scam. (Meta, which owns Instagram, said it’s investigating the account, whose owner didn’t respond to a request for comment.) (Screenshot blurred by ProPublica) 2. Initiate contact

Once they’ve got an online profile, fraudsters begin sending messages to people on dating or social networking sites. Alternatively, they may use WhatsApp or another messaging service and pretend to have stumbled on a “wrong number” as they contact you. (A spokesperson for Meta, which owns WhatsApp, previously told ProPublica that the company is investing “significant resources” into keeping pig-butchering scammers off its platforms.)

In December 2020, a Connecticut man received these messages on WhatsApp from a seemingly friendly stranger. He responded and eventually ended up getting tricked into two scams that cost him a total of $180,000.

[12/28/20, 12:06 AM] SCAMMER J: Long time no see, how are you recently

[12/28/20, 10:10 AM] SCAMMER J: 🙈Are you not Kevin? Sorry, I guess I added the wrong person, sorry

[12/28/20, 10:16 AM] TARGET C: Not Kevin.

[12/28/20, 10:16 AM] SCAMMER J: Sorry, I made the wrong call. Since I have many business partners, my assistant saved the wrong number, please forgive me

[12/28/20, 10:17 AM] TARGET C: No prob. What country are you calling from?

[12/28/20, 10:17 AM] SCAMMER J: I come from Hong Kong. Hong Kong is a metropolis with technology, finance and food. Have you ever been here

[12/28/20, 10:18 AM] SCAMMER J: Acquaintance is fate, where are you from

[12/28/20, 10:18 AM] TARGET C: I’m from NYC originally

[12/28/20, 10:19 AM] SCAMMER J: Your place is a very beautiful place, I went there years ago

3. Win the trust of the target

The next step is starting a conversation with a potential victim to gain their trust. The scammers often initiate benign chats about life, family and work with an eye toward mining their targets for information about their lives that they can later use to manipulate them. They’ll fabricate details about their own life that make them seem similar to you. After all, people like people who are like them.

When a Houston woman revealed that her brother was born with cerebral palsy, a crook countered with a similar-sounding tale:

[2/25/21, 6:32:38 PM] TARGET P: I have one brother that is handicapped and lives with my parents. Of course he’s coming with them for the weekend

[2/25/21, 6:35:36 PM] SCAMMER C: I see. My parents are taking care of my brother. I hope he will live well

...

[2/25/21, 6:38:49 PM] TARGET P: My brother was born with cerebral palsy

[2/25/21, 6:39:19 PM] SCAMMER C: Sorry things, but also hard for your parents

[2/25/21, 6:39:29 PM] TARGET P: He’s healthy over all but you have to do everything for him. He can’t talk, dress, or feed himself

4. Sign them up

Before long, the swindlers will pivot to a discussion of investing. They’ll make claims about their own purported investing successes, perhaps sharing screenshots of a brokerage account with gaudy numbers in it. They’ll try to convince targets to open an account at their online brokerage. Unbeknownst to the target, the brokerage is a sham, and any money deposited will go straight to the scammer. Most victims don’t figure out that last part until it’s too late.

Guides for scammers recommend touting the reliability of MetaTrader, a trading app that fraudsters use for nefarious purposes, by pointing out that the app is available in Apple’s App Store, so it must be safe. (MetaTrader did not respond to requests for comment. An Apple spokesperson said the company has shared complaints with MetaTrader’s parent company, and asserted that the parent has taken steps to respond to the complaints.)

5. Get them to put real money into the fake account

Once marks agree to learn investing tricks, the scammers will “help” them with the investment process. The fraudsters will explain how to wire money from their bank account to a crypto wallet and eventually to the fake brokerage. Typically the fraudster will ease the process by recommending a modest initial investment — which will inevitably show a gain.

A woman in Michigan became intrigued by her online boyfriend’s references to making money trading gold and offered to become his student. Two days later, he was teaching her how to get started investing in a fake brokerage accessible through MetaTrader:

[3/16/21, 4:40:00 PM] TARGET T: What are you up to right now?

[3/16/21, 5:11:42 PM] SCAMMER L: I’m reading a book

[3/16/21, 5:14:39 PM] TARGET T: What book are you reading?

[3/16/21, 5:17:02 PM] SCAMMER L: A book about investing in gold

[3/16/21, 5:19:04 PM] TARGET T: Nice. You should teach me. Make me your student.

[3/16/21, 5:20:37 PM] SCAMMER L: 🥰I don't want you to be my student. I want you to be my wife.🥰

6. “Prove” that it’s legitimate

Scammers often allay initial doubts by letting targets withdraw money once or twice to convince them the process is trustworthy. For example, fraudsters allowed a Canadian man named Sajid Ikram to withdraw 33,000 Canadian dollars, according to a statement he filed with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. That returned money helped convince him that his investment was real. He reported ultimately losing nearly $400,000, including money borrowed from several friends.

7. Manipulate them into investing more

That’s only the beginning. Pig butchering guides offer insights on how to exploit marks’ emotional and financial vulnerabilities to manipulate them into depositing more and more funds. It starts with assurances that the investments are risk-free, then escalates into pressure to take out loans, liquidate retirement savings, even mortgage a house.

Over a period of nine days, one scammer (who called herself Jessica) escalated her pressure, pushing the target, a California man, first to use his cash on hand, then to tap his retirement savings, then to borrow money.

[11/3/21, 8:03:13 PM] TARGET Y: I just don’t want to risk

[11/3/21, 8:03:42 PM] SCAMMER J: When you need money, you can ask for it at any time

[11/3/21, 8:04:08 PM] SCAMMER J: This is not a risk, it is called maximizing profit

[11/8/21, 5:31:53 PM] TARGET Y: what can I do

[11/8/21, 5:32:27 PM] SCAMMER J: Your 401K can’t move?

[11/8/21, 5:32:50 PM] TARGET Y: You know how that works. Heavy penalties plus double taxation

[11/8/21, 5:32:53 PM] SCAMMER J: Then you can earn it back with a fine.

[11/11/21, 6:20:05 PM] SCAMMER J: Borrowing money from the bank is not a big deal, I often do

[11/11/21, 6:22:11 PM] TARGET Y: I am not ignoring you. I am trying to think

[11/11/21, 6:22:45 PM] SCAMMER J: You are a wise man, this is borrowing a chicken to lay eggs

[11/11/21, 6:23:23 PM] SCAMMER J: Really rich people use bank money to invest

8. Cut them off

Once targets reach a limit and become unwilling to deposit more funds, their seeming investment success comes to a sudden stop. Withdrawals become impossible, or they suffer a big “loss” that wipes out their entire investment.

The California man was aghast when he discovered $440,000 he’d deposited was gone. Ultimately, the swindler persuaded him to invest another $600,000, which also disappeared into the swindler’s account.

[11/18/21, 11:59:16 AM] TARGET Y: I lost all my money

[11/18/21, 11:59:18 AM] SCAMMER J: If the principal is not enough, it cannot be supported to the profit point.

[11/18/21, 11:59:34 AM] SCAMMER J: Don’t worry,

[11/18/21, 11:59:46 AM] TARGET Y: I am negative $480k

[11/18/21, 12:00:01 PM] SCAMMER J: Prepare the funds and earn them back.

[11/18/21, 12:00:12 PM] TARGET Y: I don’t have any money or funds to prepare

[11/18/21, 12:00:20 PM] TARGET Y: That’s all I have!!!!!!!!!!!!

9. Use their desperation to your advantage

Scammers will then turn the screws of manipulation tighter by telling victims there’s a potential solution: If they deposit more cash into the brokerage, they can regain what they lost. Sometimes, the claim is that the investment is successful — but there’s a “tax problem” that requires paying additional funds equal to, say, 20% of their total account value. If the victim pays, the scammer will claim that new obstacles have arisen that require paying new fees.

No matter how much targets pay, it’s never enough, as detailed in the FTC complaint excerpted below, which was filed by a pig butchering victim in Maryland. This person lost almost $1.4 million, in part because the person kept meeting scammers’ demands to pay taxes and various fees to get their money back:

“Once the trading has ended, I applied to withdrawal my money and profit from the website. The broker asked me to pay a tax on the profit of 88,587.90 usd on 8162021, this amount was wired again through Bank of America into a foreign account in Hong Kong. Another request for me to pay security deposit on my profits which was 83,950.00 usd wired out to a different foreign account in Hong Kong once again. The broker asked for a bank and withdrawal processing fee of 27,983.34 usd again was wired out to a different foreign account in Hong Kong. The very last wire was for expediting the withdrawal and the platform asked for 55,966.60 usd wired out to Hong Kong. At this point I already had to much money in the platform so I kept giving in.”

10. Taunt and depart

Once the targets are aware that they’ve been swindled, the fraudsters often insult or taunt them. They soon go silent, and the websites of their phony brokerages stop working. Then they relaunch a new website under a different URL and restart the process with other targets.

After nearly four months of chatting and $30,000 in losses for the Michigan victim, her scammer seemed to revel in unveiling the financial — and emotional — deception:

[7/1/21, 3:25:31 PM] SCAMMER L: I’m a liar, too.

[7/1/21, 3:25:42 PM] TARGET T: What do you mean you are a liar?

[7/1/21, 3:25:58 PM] SCAMMER L: But I am very kind, I only cheated you out of 30K, thank you for 30K

[7/1/21, 3:26:16 PM] TARGET T: Wow.

[7/1/21, 3:26:55 PM] TARGET T: ‎You deleted this message.

[7/1/21, 3:27:23 PM] TARGET T: You don’t really love me? We are not getting married?

[7/1/21, 3:27:44 PM] SCAMMER L: Surprise or surprise. I’m not surprised.

What to Do If You’ve Been Scammed

If you’ve been victimized, report the crime to your bank and law enforcement — the FBI, the Secret Service and local police — as quickly as possible. The longer you wait, the harder it is for your bank to reverse any fraudulent transactions and for law enforcement to trace, freeze or seize stolen funds. “We are definitely going to be more successful if you immediately report,” said Erin West, deputy district attorney at the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s office, which has had some success seizing assets linked to pig butchering scams.

by Cezary Podkul

This Hurricane-Ravaged Town Has Waited Years for Long-Term Aid. It Could Happen Again.

2 years 7 months ago

This article was produced by The Times-Picayune | The Advocate, a member of ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

LAKE CHARLES, La. — Hilda Brown ambled down a wooden walkway with the help of a cane and gingerly took a seat at a table between her badly damaged house and a FEMA trailer. It had been more than a year and a half since Hurricane Laura, but the then-64-year-old widow still didn’t know where to turn.

She didn’t have the money to finish repairs on the home, which she couldn’t afford to insure. The Federal Emergency Management Agency had lent her the trailer as a temporary solution, but the deadline to return it was approaching, and she was facing the possibility of being forced to pay steep rent to keep living in it.

“It’s been hard,” Brown, who lives on Social Security benefits, told The Times-Picayune | The Advocate in April. “Everything is just bam, bam, one thing after another.”

Since Laura struck in August 2020, Lake Charles, a small city in Louisiana’s industrial southwestern corner, has served to spotlight the shortcomings in America’s system for helping communities rebuild in the wake of catastrophe.

The process of distributing key components of long-term aid — meant to help not in the first frantic days after a storm but to rebuild housing and infrastructure — is unpredictable, often caught up in battles over federal spending. As a result, the country essentially forgot one of its cities.

Lake Charles, with a population of 85,000, was Louisiana’s fifth-largest city before it was hit by a series of storms. The region’s economy was booming when Laura hit, thanks to the billions being poured into petrochemical plants and gas-export terminals, as well as a steady stream of Texans crossing the border to plunk down cash at three casinos.

But it took more than a year and a half after Laura for the federal government to approve what local officials deemed adequate long-term recovery assistance for the region. And more than two years after the storm, the first federal check from the Department of Housing and Urban Development has still not arrived.

The money has been entangled in the government’s byzantine process of doling out such long-term recovery funds, a process that can drag on for many months and get buffeted by the political priorities of congressional leadership and the White House.

In addition to the wait, it also means that communities in the wake of disaster do not know how much Congress will eventually provide, making recovery planning difficult. Appropriations can vary widely from disaster to disaster.

“[T]here’s really an unevenness and almost an unfairness in these recovery dollars,” said Andy Winkler of the Bipartisan Policy Center, a Washington think tank that has examined disaster assistance. The kinds of delays that Lake Charles experienced are nearly certain to be repeated — perhaps in Louisiana, perhaps somewhere else.

In a time of climate change and intensifying storms, Lake Charles’ struggles have been particularly acute. The city faced four natural disasters in less than a year, beginning with Laura, one of the most powerful hurricanes to ever hit Louisiana. Hurricane Delta followed six weeks later, then a severe winter storm in February 2021 and heavy flooding three months after that — all during the pandemic. One study determined that around half of all homes in Calcasieu Parish, where Lake Charles is located, were damaged by the two hurricanes.

Over the last two years, houses, apartments, public housing complexes and businesses have sat in ruins, exacerbating an affordable housing shortage. The region, which had one of the country’s fastest-growing economies before 2020, has since seen one of the nation’s largest drops in population.

Local officials resorted to pleading with Congress and the nation for help as months passed without action. Lake Charles Mayor Nic Hunter called it “a humanitarian crisis right here on American soil.”

Both President Donald Trump and President Joe Biden visited, but still southwest Louisiana has waited.

There have been proposals to fix the system, but the nation has been caught up in other challenges and priorities, and the two political parties rarely see eye to eye.

Lake Charles Mayor Nic Hunter stands outside City Hall in May 2022. “We were let down at every turn,” he said of long-term disaster relief. (Leslie Westbrook/The Times-Picayune | The Advocate)

Hunter, who rode out Laura in Lake Charles, soon realized that the hurricane’s destruction “was basically our worst nightmare unfolding.”

“Throughout the process, I kept getting pats on the back saying: ‘Don’t worry, it’s coming. Don’t worry, it’s coming,’” Hunter said in April of assurances of long-term disaster relief. “We were let down at every turn.”

He spoke from his 10th-floor City Hall office, finally repaired a year and a half after Laura. Nearby, the housing authority was still operating out of a modular building, and Lake Charles’ biggest office tower remained boarded up and fenced off.

Recently, Hilda Brown finally received more help for her house repairs from volunteers and the disaster rebuilding nonprofit SBP, as well as a reduction on her trailer rent to $50 per month. She expected to move back into the house soon, and hoped that the federal money set to arrive in the near future could help with the remaining relatively minor work.

“It could be any day,” she said Wednesday of moving back into her house. “I’m so excited.”

“Difficult to Predict”

In the aftermath of a natural disaster, immediate federal aid is designed to flow in quickly. Federal agencies mobilize to help with search and rescue, food and water distribution, temporary housing and other tasks.

Since the two hurricanes hit southwest Louisiana in 2020, the state has drawn more than $2 billion in help from FEMA and in low-interest loans from the U.S. Small Business Administration, which are among the early disaster responders.

But that money falls short of addressing the region’s long-term recovery needs.

That’s where longer-term federal aid — normally distributed through what bureaucrats call CDBG-DR, or Community Development Block Grants-Disaster Recovery — comes into play. It is meant to address serious housing, infrastructure and economic development needs not covered by FEMA and insurance. Typically 70% of the funds must benefit low- to moderate-income residents, and families’ homes must be severely damaged to qualify.

But reporting by The Times-Picayune | The Advocate over more than a year in Lake Charles found significant flaws in that system.

To start with, there is no set time frame for when, or whether, the aid will be approved, leaving it to Congress and the White House. Money can be appropriated for communities in mere days, or they can wait for a year or more.

Consider: It took just 15 days for Congress to appropriate long-term aid intended for victims after Hurricane Harvey; it took 26 times as long for the federal government to agree on an aid package that included Laura.

How Long They Waited

The amount of time between a disaster declaration and the appropriation of long-term relief dollars varies wildly. Here is a sampling of those time frames:

  • Hurricane Harvey (2017): 15 days
  • Hurricane Ida (2021): 32 days
  • Hurricane Sandy (2012): 93 days
  • Houston ice storm (2021): 223 days
  • Hurricane Sally (2020): 375 days
  • Hurricane Laura (2020): 398 days
  • California wildfires (2020): 404 days

Source: Bipartisan Policy Center and The Times-Picayune | The Advocate

Then, once Congress does appropriate money, it goes through a complex process to actually distribute it to communities. First, HUD must calculate how much each state, local government or Native American tribe will receive. Once those allocations are announced, HUD publishes rules for how the money can be spent. This prompts states to come up with their own spending plans, solicit and evaluate public comments, and ultimately submit those plans to HUD for approval. Only then can the money begin to flow.

This process can get caught up in budget politics and allegations of political interference. Puerto Rico, for example, faced delays in the aid disbursement process after hurricanes Irma and Maria in 2017 because of unusual requirements put in place after the Trump White House accused the territory’s government of being corrupt, as The Washington Post reported.

Southwest Louisiana’s congressman, Clay Higgins, a far-right Trump supporter, faced accusations of failing to do enough to have the money approved, particularly after he didn’t show up for Biden’s visit to Lake Charles in May 2021. He has defended his record.

“It always gets caught up in budget politics,” said Stan Gimont, who once oversaw HUD’s CDBG programs and is now with Hagerty Consulting. “And it just is very difficult to predict what event or what critical mass of events will move that needle for Congress to act.”

A HUD-commissioned study from 2019 found that disaster recovery grants took an average of 4.7 years to be spent, measured from the date of the disaster declaration. The study looked at disasters between 2005 and 2015.

With Laura, it took Congress 13 months after the storm to approve funding — an unusually slow process for post-hurricane long-term aid. A month later, in October 2021, HUD announced an initial allocation of around $600 million for southwest Louisiana. It then took three more months to release the rules for spending it.

It would take until March 2022 for the region to be approved for an amount Hunter said he considered equitable, $1.06 billion.

The risks of these delays are obvious. Blight worsens. Affordable housing is in short supply. Those who were already struggling to get by and who have temporarily relocated elsewhere may never return. A community survey done in the Houston area after 2017’s Hurricane Harvey showed 18% of the unsheltered homeless people who responded said they were homeless because of the storm.

Additionally, FEMA’s post-disaster programs providing trailers end after 18 months, and delays mean that people can be cut off from that help well before long-term housing aid begins to flow. That deadline can be extended in certain circumstances — as happened in southwest Louisiana — but those living in the trailers can also be asked to begin paying rent after the 18 months are up.

“People have enough trouble accessing the FEMA program,” said Sarah Saadian of the National Low Income Housing Coalition, which has closely studied post-disaster programs. But when those short-term programs end, she said, “we end up seeing people who are the lowest-income, the most marginalized, lose their housing again. They face displacement, and then in the worst cases are pushed into homelessness.”

U.S. Rep. Garret Graves, R-Baton Rouge, whose district has been repeatedly hit by disaster, has focused his criticism on the convoluted process of disbursing the aid.

“You’ve got a process that is so ridiculous,” said Graves. “You can either spend all this time and money trying to get it perfect, or you can lean a little bit more towards getting the money out the door quickly.”

No Cash for Repairs

Allison and Charles Ned were among those who fell through the cracks.

During Hurricane Laura, they had squeezed into a friend’s house with three other families near Beaumont, Texas, about an hour away. They drove back to Lake Charles the next day, navigating trees and downed power lines — an obstacle course laid down by 150 mph winds.

For 20 years, they had rented a house in Lake Charles, where Louisiana Cajun and Creole traditions mix with Texas cowboy culture.

Allison and Charles Ned stand at the entrance to their FEMA trailer. (Leslie Westbrook/The Times-Picayune | The Advocate)

Allison, 57, had a cleaning service. Charles, 58, worked for a house-moving company and is now a maintenance worker for Calcasieu Parish schools. He prides himself on self-sufficiency and sports a belt buckle he won in a calf-roping competition.

When they made it home after Laura, the couple found their roof had been lifted up and set back down by the storm. It was leaking everywhere. The Neds had raised their two children there and kept two horses in the backyard along with their Akita, Champ. Charles, normally stoic, cried as he took in the damage.

For six months, they stayed at a friend’s house in Jennings, 40 minutes away. FEMA eventually provided a trailer, which they set up in the yard next to their damaged house.

Their landlord battled his insurer and decided to sell, Allison said. The Neds bought the house as is, still unrepaired and unlivable — and they didn’t have the cash to fix it.

Allison Ned walks into her house while it was still under repair in May 2022. (Leslie Westbrook/The Times-Picayune | The Advocate)

But each time they asked for help in rebuilding, they were rejected because the system was not set up to help people in their unique situation. They did not qualify because they didn’t own the home at the time of the storm, even though they’d lived there for two decades. Allison said she wrote to the governor hoping an exception could be made, but received no response.

Charles said: “All you could do was pray to God.” He did what he could, using skills from his previous job to make the house level again.

Around 18 months after Laura, the Neds were told they would soon have to start paying rent for their FEMA trailer this spring. Under federal rules, they would have to move out of it by the end of October.

It took until early 2022 for the Neds to get a hand to rebuild, and when they did, it didn’t come from the government. Instead, the SBP nonprofit, a recovery organization founded after Hurricane Katrina, along with volunteers from organizations including the Fuller Center Disaster ReBuilders, came to their aid.

But as trying as that period was, they were on their own land, unlike others caught up in the affordable housing shortage, which long-term disaster relief can help solve.

Michael Blaney, 69, had been living in a damaged and decrepit public-housing complex for the elderly. The housing authority did not want people to live in those conditions and threatened some residents, including Blaney, with eviction, although it also attempted to find alternative housing for them. The eviction notice was eventually lifted, and Blaney remained in the complex despite the authority’s concerns; he didn’t find a new place to live until almost two years after Laura. He is now living in a privately run building for the elderly and disabled in downtown Lake Charles that didn’t reopen until April.

Many others ended up leaving the city entirely. Estimates from July 2021 show the metro area, which includes Calcasieu and Cameron parishes, had the biggest population drop in the nation that year. The two parishes combined lost 5.3% of their residents — around 11,700 people.

Michael Blaney sits outside the public housing complex where he lives in Lake Charles in March 2022. (Leslie Westbrook/The Times-Picayune | The Advocate) Finding a Permanent Solution

Criticism of the unpredictability of long-term disaster relief has come from a range of politicians and advocates seeking to change the system.

Proposed solutions often revolve around one key component: a permanent authorization of funding.

“Because it’s not a permanently authorized program, you really don’t know if it’s going to be provided for any given event, and even if it is provided, what its timing might be,” said Gimont, the former HUD official who also serves on a disaster response reform task force with the Bipartisan Policy Center.

In one proposal with bipartisan support, a fund would be made permanently available for federal block grants, eliminating the need for congressional authorization. That money could serve as a down payment, and if more is needed, Congress could step in.

The Reforming Disaster Recovery Act, sponsored by Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, includes a provision for funding the block grants. Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-Louisiana, is among the co-sponsors.

Graves, the Louisiana congressman, has offered his own proposal, co-sponsored with U.S. Delegate Stacey Plaskett, D-Virgin Islands. He, too, wants a pre-authorized set of disaster funds to be available, but favors having FEMA handle it rather than using the current block grant system.

Asked about the delays, HUD cites the lack of a readily available source of funding.

“The absence of a permanently authorized CDBG-DR program contributes to much of the delay as does the continued absence of a standing source of CDBG-DR funds, which are now only made available as supplemental appropriations rather than as an annual part of the HUD budget,” a spokesperson said in response to questions.

After such a long struggle, the community seems to have turned a corner. A number of popular restaurants and other businesses have managed to reopen. Even the assurance that long-term federal relief was finally coming seemed to provide a jolt of optimism.

Still, it’s not hard to find destruction and blue tarps in the city. Hunter, who has lived in Lake Charles his entire life, believes a bigger city with more political influence would have seen a faster response.

“Had Hurricane Laura hit another major city with more congressional support, with more population, I think things would have been very different,” he said. “And that is what I hope changes in the future.”

There should be a formula for disaster funding, he said, “versus simply the whims and the wills of Congress or the president. It shouldn’t be such a political process.”

by Mike Smith, The Times-Picayune | The Advocate

“Another Place to Warehouse People”: The State Where Halfway Houses Are a Revolving Door to Prison

2 years 7 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

As Andrew Montano’s parole date neared, he had two options: spend another year in prison or finish his sentence at a state-funded halfway house.

Fellow inmates cautioned him against entering Colorado’s community corrections system, saying it was overly punitive and too often a ticket back to prison. But after nearly 13 years behind bars — his entire adult life — Montano’s desire to embrace his long-term partner and start a career overshadowed those warnings.

In September 2019, he was accepted into a halfway house outside Denver, then owned by the private-prison operator CoreCivic. The rules were strict. But Montano, 35, who was sent to prison in 2007 for assault with a deadly weapon, a crime he committed as a juvenile, was determined to stay on track.

Four months later, during a routine meeting, Montano’s case manager asked if he’d ever been to a location without prior approval from the facility, a violation of the rules. He answered truthfully: On three occasions, while waiting to catch a bus for the hourlong commute back to the halfway house, he’d used a gas station bathroom.

He left thinking the exchange didn’t have much significance. His prior write-ups had been for minor infractions: failing to make his bed, having a box of raspberries in his room and forgetting to sign off on mandatory chores. But later that day, he was told he couldn’t leave the facility, even for work or mandatory classes. For more than a week, he waited.

Montano near his home. He was released directly onto parole from prison.

“Without even a hearing from the halfway house, without being able to even talk to anybody about it, the cops just came and picked me up,” said Montano, who was sent back to prison after a parole hearing. He was released directly onto parole nearly a year later, in December 2020.

“They want us to change, they want us to grow, they want us to learn, they want us to have integrity and to be honest and truthful and a member of society, but we don’t have the chance to be able to (do) that.”

CoreCivic declined to make a representative available for an interview and did not respond to questions sent by email. In a written statement, a spokesperson said, “The staff and leadership teams at our residential reentry centers in Colorado strictly adhere to the policies and standards established by” the Colorado Division of Criminal Justice. “We see our purpose as making sure those in our care are better prepared to succeed no matter where life may take them next. We’re proud of our longstanding track record of delivering high-quality and meaningful residential reentry programs.”

When Colorado formed its community corrections system in 1974, it intended to address prison overcrowding and rehabilitate people in the justice system by providing addiction treatment, job training and other services. Officials saw it as sound fiscal and criminal justice policy: Halfway houses are cheaper to run than prisons, and more assistance would reduce recidivism, meaning fewer people would land back behind bars.

But the reality is more of the people who pass through Colorado’s halfway houses end up incarcerated than rehabilitated. Of every 100 people in a halfway house, only two will be reincarcerated for a new crime, while 26 will fail and likely end up behind bars for technical violations and 14 for running away from a facility.

Among the 57 who do graduate, 22 will be back in the criminal justice system within two years, data since 2009 shows. (Due to rounding, these scenarios add up to 99 people, not 100.)

Colorado’s overall recidivism rate — defined by the Department of Corrections as returning to prison within three years — is 50%, one of the worst in the country, according to a nationwide analysis of recidivism published in 2018 by the Virginia Department of Corrections.

Colorado Halfway Houses’ High Failure Rate

For every 100 people in a halfway house...

Source: Colorado Division of Criminal Justice. Notes: Includes fiscal years 2009-2019. Later years are excluded because they don’t have two years of follow-up data. Figures are rounded.

“Is that really the results that we are OK with?” asked Terri Hurst, health justice coordinator for the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition, a nonprofit group that advocates for policies that decrease reliance on the criminal justice system. “These programs have been operating for years without any sort of transparency or accountability or scrutiny.”

Katie Ruske, manager of Colorado’s Office of Community Corrections within the Division of Criminal Justice, which sets standards for halfway houses and audits for compliance, said her office is wary of requiring certain program completion rates for fear it would come at a cost to public safety. “At times it is in the best interest of other individuals in the program, victims and the community that a person be returned to custody.”

Montano at home with his newborn boy

ProPublica spoke with nearly 50 current and former halfway house residents, staff members and experts who attributed Colorado halfway houses’ high rate of failure to numerous and often pointless rules, which can be more punitive than those in prison; a scarcity of employment training; addiction treatment programs that are rudimentary or too brief; and financial costs imposed by the facilities that can sink residents into debt.

As a result, Coloradans are, in effect, paying twice: first to fund residents’ time in halfway houses and again when they end up behind bars. From 2019 to 2021, more than 2,000 people were sent from a halfway house to prison, where the cost to incarcerate them more than doubled, to $56,000 a year, according to a Department of Corrections spokesperson.

“By and large,” said state Rep. Leslie Herod, a Denver Democrat, halfway houses “have become just another place to warehouse people, to profit off of people’s misfortune.”

Michael Anthony Martinez attends church in March after being released from prison, where he was sent from a halfway house. Since his release, he has been sent to another halfway house to complete an addiction treatment program and then transferred back to the facility that sent him to prison. John Sherman greets his sister’s dog at home in Denver. The rules of the halfway house he graduated from in January 2021 gave him “intense dread” he’d be sent back to prison. “The Insanity of This System”

There are three ways people typically end up in Colorado’s 26 state-funded halfway houses. Diversion clients are sentenced by a judge to community corrections in lieu of jail or prison. Transition clients apply to finish their prison sentence there. And some former prisoners are required to complete a halfway house program as a condition of parole.

The time it takes to complete a program varies, but it averages around eight months. And afterward, many diversion clients remain on “non-residential status” for an additional nine months on average, according to a 2018 state report, meaning they no longer live at the facility but report to their case manager and are subject to drug and alcohol testing. (The state’s data excludes those who participate in lengthier specialty treatment programs.)

Over the past three years, Colorado averaged about 6,000 halfway house stays annually. A majority of Colorado’s halfway houses are owned by companies specializing in detention and community-based supervision. Three — CoreCivic, Advantage Treatment Center Inc. and Intervention Inc. — operate 15 of the 26 state-funded facilities.

This fiscal year, community corrections will receive $87.7 million in state funding — or nearly 16% of the state’s public safety budget — to cover operational costs and treatment services. The facilities aren’t required to report in detail to the state oversight agency or lawmakers what they do with the funding.

“There are, at times, various things that we require them to show us, but there isn’t one standard,” Ruske said. “We’re not a financial auditing entity.” Every three years operators are required to hire a public accountant and submit a financial report to the state, but a majority haven’t filed a report since 2017.

A halfway house run by Intervention Community Corrections Services, under the umbrella organization Intervention Inc., in Lakewood, Colorado. Residents at ICCS facilities are prohibited from possessing candles, gift cards, debit cards or cash, according to a client manual.

Until July, facilities also charged rent to residents, about $510 per month — $17 a day — for a room shared with three to 24 people. During fiscal 2020, facilities collected approximately $15 million in rent.

Although state taxpayers provide most of their funding, the state delegates much of the oversight to local community corrections boards that vary in their makeup, protocols and oversight practices. Board members are typically appointed by county commissioners and include mayors, parole officers, law enforcement, prosecutors and judges.

This local control gives facilities broad authority to establish rules and program requirements for individual halfway houses, creating a patchwork of policies across the state.

A special government audit in 2021 spurred by citizen complaints found that a Colorado Springs facility run by ComCor Inc. had an “excessive” number of rules that residents had to abide by, some “disrespectful in nature.”

Mark Wester, executive director of ComCor, said the facility has “moved to a more supportive therapeutic approach to client care” in response to the audit. He said it also established a committee to review rules, as well as the sanctions it imposes.

Residents at halfway houses owned by the nonprofit Intervention Community Corrections Services are prohibited from possessing candles, gift cards, debit cards or cash, according to a client manual. And in interviews, former residents said they’re barred from wearing tank tops, having cellphones or driving. Failing to “follow a direct order by staff” and returning to the facility a few minutes late are also violations, according to the manual.

The current and former residents of some Colorado halfway houses who spoke to ProPublica acknowledged they need to account for their whereabouts but said such requirements are sometimes impossible to comply with, especially when relying on public transportation.

“If you’re a minute late, they’ll try to write you up. But sometimes due to weather or the bus or something like that, you might not be able to make it if those are unforeseen circumstances,” Montano said. “Their response is, ‘Well, you better start running.’”

Punishment for violating the rules also varies, from added chores to a return to prison.

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A person can be expelled from a program for “any reason or for no reason at all,” a 2012 law says. If a diversion client pleads not guilty to a violation, a hearing is held to determine their punishment. But, as noted by numerous state audits, documentation of such hearings — and the outcomes — are inconsistent and lack detail.

ProPublica obtained through a public records request incident reports from all Colorado halfway houses in operation during a three-year period. They showed residents facing serious discipline for expressing suicidal thoughts, not reporting a traffic ticket and driving without permission. If they’re kicked out of a program, most end up incarcerated. One resident was terminated and sent to jail because he was suspected of stashing a gun in the woods even though police didn’t have enough evidence to arrest him.

John Sherman went 34 years in prison without a write-up. But that changed within days of being released to a for-profit halfway house in Denver.

Sherman

On his second day at CoreCivic Dahlia, the 66-year-old was given permission to travel to Walmart to buy clothing. When he entered the store, more than a dozen family members were waiting to surprise him. Loved ones pulled him in for hugs, stuffing money and gifts into his hands. His sister interrupted the reunion, frantically reminding Sherman that he needed to report his arrival at the store. But the customer service desk wouldn’t let him use its landline, and he missed his deadline by a few minutes.

Strict protocols track residents’ movements. Their route must be approved with a deadline to reach their destination. In some halfway houses, residents aren’t allowed to have a cellphone, forcing them to find a landline to report back to the facility.

In the weeks that followed, Sherman, whose sentence was shortened by former Gov. John Hickenlooper, received seven more write-ups for failing to call the facility. He said he lived with “intense dread that I’m going back to prison.”

Research shows someone with Sherman’s track record is positioned for success after prison: He had family support, didn’t struggle with substance abuse and had a place to live. He would ultimately succeed, but he said it was only because he stayed away from the facility and its rules as much as he was allowed.

“The halfway house doesn’t care if you leave or succeed,” said Sherman, who completed his program in January 2021. “Somebody’s gonna fill that bed no matter what.”

Roger Jarjoura, a researcher and senior adviser with the American Institutes for Research’s National Reentry Resources Center, said structure and supervision are key aspects of any reentry program, but arbitrary rules coupled with excessive supervision increase the likelihood a person will fail. The NRRC, which is funded by the U.S. Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Assistance, provides technical assistance to reentry organizations and local and state governments to improve recidivism rates.

“That’s the insanity of this system: People who have already shown that they are not great with structure or rules have to follow way more rules than a typical person would,” Jarjoura said. ​​“Supervision can be effective when it’s connected to the right kinds of treatment and the right kinds of support.”

Sherman, an artist who became known for murals in prison, works on a piece at home. Sherman spends time with family on Easter Sunday.

Kathryn Otten, who until 2016 directly oversaw two halfway houses as division director of Justice Services in Jefferson County, said the facilities’ punitive policies set residents up for failure.

The Jefferson County facilities — one of which recently closed — are run by Intervention Community Corrections Services, under the umbrella organization Intervention Inc., which currently operates four other halfway houses in Colorado.

Otten recalled that after a bathroom was defaced at one facility, “instead of getting to the bottom of it to figure out who did it,” staff put all residents on lockdown. “They made everyone stay in, miss work, miss everything,” she said. The facility, which like all Colorado halfway houses controls residents’ finances, then took money from everyone for repairs.

“We stepped in at that point and said, ‘No, you can’t do that,’ and ensured that residents got their money back,” said Otten, who in 2016 became the county’s director of housing, homelessness and integration.

ICCS’ executive director, Brian Hulse, declined to be interviewed or respond to questions sent by email. In a written statement, he said: “We use evidence-based and evidence informed practices to maximize desired outcomes and positively impact the lives of our clients. We are proud to serve our community in this capacity.”

Wendy Sawyer, research director for the Prison Policy Initiative, a research and advocacy organization, said it’s not just the number of rules or how arbitrary they can be, “but the way that the person who’s supervising them chooses to apply those rules.” She added, “There’s a ton of discretion.”

Broderrick Rimes, a former ComCor security manager who left the company in July 2021, said the enforcement of rules was often dictated by what was financially beneficial to the facility. When clients broke a rule, staff contacted the billing department to see if they had paid their rent.

“If they’re up to date on their rent, they’ll never get sent back to jail or prison,” he said. But if they owed money they would be kicked out and replaced by someone who could pay. “That is the mentality of community corrections.”

A 2017 audit of ComCor by the Office of Community Corrections found “a clear pattern of inappropriate application of serious sanctions to minor behavioral violations, especially those related to financial matters.”

Wester, who noted the audit occurred before he joined ComCor in 2019, denied that staff check whether clients have paid their rent before disciplining them.

A halfway house, operated by ComCor Inc., in Colorado Springs, Colorado Staying Clean

One in five residents of Colorado’s halfway houses is completing a sentence related to substance abuse, according to the state’s three most recent annual reports.

Nearly a dozen current and former residents and staff members from various facilities told ProPublica that the treatment they received was rudimentary, redundant and sometimes overseen by inexperienced staffers. Residents receive treatment of varying length and intensity, from drug and alcohol classes sometimes taught by halfway house staff to 90-day intensive residential treatment.

Shawn Brndiar, a licensed clinical social worker and addiction counselor in Centennial, Colorado, said the three-month addiction programs are not long enough. Effective programs are typically longer than a year, he said.

“Addiction doesn’t start in a vacuum. It’s not like just one day, somebody woke up and said, ‘I’m going to start shooting heroin,’” said Brndiar, who has been an addiction counselor for nine years. “There’s a whole history of things that happened to this person.”

An analysis by the MacArthur Foundation and the Pew Charitable Trusts found that the intensive residential treatment programs in Colorado’s community corrections system were an inefficient use of taxpayer money and “not very effective at reducing recidivism.” They received the lowest score among 21 criminal justice programs that were evaluated, including those offered in jail or prison.

Over the past five years, 66% of residents enrolled in intensive residential treatment programs graduated.

Michael Anthony Martinez, 29, said he benefited from skills he was taught to manage anger and codependent relationships while in intensive residential treatment in 2020 and 2021. But he said drugs were easily accessible at the Sterling facility owned by Advantage Treatment Centers and he failed out.

ATC did not respond to requests for comment.

The most recent audit of the facility, in 2019, found it was out of compliance for controlling contraband entering the facility.

After failing multiple drug tests, Martinez, who was a diversion client, was sent to prison.

Martinez and other residents of a sober living home relax after a game of football at a park. Martinez shows a tattoo that reads, “Family: we may not have it all together, but together we have it all.”

He spent 10 months in prison before being released on parole. After a few months at a sober living home and another 90-day intensive drug treatment program — his third — at a different halfway house, he graduated in July 2022 but was transferred back to the Sterling facility, according to state documents.

“I’m ready to be (a) successful man and show everybody that I can do something right,” he said. “Because this is just sickening. In and out, in and out.”

Requiring people to repeat ineffective programs is a way for companies to boost their profits, Brndiar said.

“It’s a business,” said Brndiar, who is a professor at Metropolitan State University of Denver. “There’s an incentive to keep people in this cycle over and over and over and over again because either way they’re going to get money.”

While some programs provide financial assistance to help with program fees, many residents are required to reimburse the facility once they obtain employment. In fiscal year 2021, 2,521 residents graduated owing on average $1,076, according to the state’s annual report.

At some ICCS facilities, residents receive treatment for mental health and addiction provided by a related company, Behavioral Treatment Services, and are sometimes required to pay out of pocket for those services, according to Otten. The CEO of ICCS’ parent company, Intervention Inc., Kelly Sengenberger, is on the BTS board of directors and was listed as BTS’ owner in state documents from 2017 to 2019. The companies listed the same business address with the state.

Ruske, of the state’s oversight agency, told ProPublica that the financial relationship was not disclosed to the state. ICCS’ contract with the state requires disclosure of potential conflicts of interest. Neither Sengenberger nor BTS responded to emailed questions.

Alycia Samuelson completed a three-year residential halfway house program in 2014 at ICCS. She said part of her treatment was overseen by interns doing outpatient rounds who were ill-equipped to help people who, in her case, had experienced decades of substance abuse and trauma.

“All I’d ever known was addiction,” she told ProPublica. “My mom had given me my first line of cocaine when I was 13. So I didn’t know a lot of the skills for how to be a successful person.”

Alycia Samuelson gets ready for work in her Denver apartment, which is covered in affirmations.

Samuelson ultimately graduated from the residential program and, after being homeless for more than a decade, moved into her own apartment. And for the first time in her adult life, she wasn’t using meth. But less than a year later, she relapsed and failed a drug test. The facility brought her back into the program then sent her to prison.

“Addiction is a relapsing disease,” Brndiar said. “People relapse, and to make your first move the most severe punishment? It only re-traumatizes the person going through this process.”

Recovery from drug addiction is a long-term process and frequently requires rounds of treatment, according to the National Institute on Drug Abuse. As with other chronic illnesses, relapses can occur and signal a need for additional treatment, research shows.

When Samuelson was released from prison, she was homeless, fell back into drug use and ended up in another halfway house in 2018. Six months into her program she said she was suicidal. In a matter of weeks, her husband left her, her son was diagnosed with colon cancer and a friend overdosed in the facility and died. Samuelson said staff ignored her struggles so she ran away.

“I said I felt like I’m gonna take my life and I thought they were going to call the ambulance and they didn’t,” said Samuelson, 47, who now lives in Denver. “I literally ran from the halfway house to save myself.”

A 2020 law reduced the charge for escaping from a halfway house to a misdemeanor, instead of a felony, for those serving time for nonviolent crimes, meaning Samuelson wasn’t returned to prison. In 2021, 910 halfway house stays, or 24%, ended when the person ran away from a facility, a sharp increase from 2012 when the rate was 12%, according to state data.

Those with a diagnosis of mental health issues are significantly more likely to fail out of community corrections, according to a 2018 analysis by the Colorado Division of Criminal Justice’s Office of Research and Statistics. Only 48% graduated between 2014 and 2016, compared with 61% of those without such a diagnosis. But a diagnosis had little to no effect on whether the person committed a new crime in the future, the report found.

“If all they have are other people who are part of the criminal justice system and underpaid, underqualified people providing treatment, they’re not going to (get what) they need,” Brndiar said.

Finding a Job

Samuelson receives job training at a 1950s diner. State audits have shown that few halfway houses are meeting quality standards for employment services despite the benefits to the long-term success of residents.

Employment is key in determining whether someone stays out of prison, according to academic studies and reports by Colorado’s Division of Criminal Justice. Yet state audits show employment services are some of the least-available resources in state halfway houses.

People entering the facilities face challenges getting a job. Some haven’t worked in decades. Others were juveniles when they entered the corrections system and may never have held a job. A criminal record, lack of transportation, addiction and mental health issues can further complicate finding employment.

“If they don’t have a means to support themselves, they’re going to figure out how to do that,” said Jarjoura, the recidivism expert. “People don’t choose crime. That’s how they learn to survive.”

Limited scope audits by the Office of Community Corrections show that of the facilities where employment services were assessed from 2015 to 2018, only two were in full compliance with state standards. The agency stopped evaluating the quality of employment services in 2018, after a new manager took over OCC.

“The future strategic goals of the office include developing processes for reviewing compliance with the additional Colorado Community Corrections Standards not currently reviewed,” OCC said in a written statement.

There’s pressure to start working immediately, residents said. They must pay for rent, hygiene products, clothes and transportation. On top of that, they pay restitution, court fees, child support, state and federal taxes and set aside savings in order to graduate from the program.

The urgency makes the job search more about the facilities getting their money than residents’ long-term success, former staff and residents said.

“You threaten the client, you say: ‘You better get a job, you better work, you’ve got another week. If you’re not working in another week, you’re going to go back,’” said Rimes, the former ComCor security manager.

Otten said residents at the two Jefferson County facilities were pressured to accept the first job they found in order to start paying rent. The jobs were often low paying, ultimately slowing their reentry process.

After getting home from work at a grocery store, Sherman waters his front lawn and talks with a childhood friend he was incarcerated with.

She said among the biggest barriers to employment is offenders’ inability to spend money without prior approval from the facility, which can sometimes take weeks. Facilities have power of attorney over resident’s finances, and getting caught with a debit card or cash can lead to discipline, “even if that money is to buy steel-toed boots in order to get a job,” she said.

When residents found jobs, they were sometimes denied by the facility, Otten said.

One resident wasn’t allowed to work a high-paying construction job because it was out of cellphone range, Otten said. Another was prohibited from working at a law firm because it was located in a house, not an office building. “They sent her to work at the diner, waitressing,” she said.

Before becoming director of justice services, Otten ran workforce training programs for formerly incarcerated people at the Colorado Department of Labor and Employment.

“Community corrections folks were always more difficult to work with because of the rules and regulations that didn’t allow (residents) to work in higher-wage jobs in demand industries,” she said.

More Money, Same Outcome

In response to recommendations from the Office of Community Corrections, lawmakers this year approved increased funding for Colorado’s halfway houses.

This fiscal year, operators will receive $67 per day for each occupied bed, up from $47.96. The increase requires facilities to stop charging rent, per their state contracts, but state law doesn’t prohibit it.

Lawmakers also approved funding that for the first time will be tied to performance, including graduation and recidivism rates. Meanwhile, the state’s oversight agency has made it easier to qualify for the extra dollars by changing its definition of recidivism.

Historically, recidivism was defined as a criminal filing within two years of graduating from a halfway house.

The new definition: a felony conviction within two years of entering a facility.

For example, ComCor’s recidivism rate under the old definition was 41%, according to the state’s data dashboard; under the new definition, it’s 3%.

Only three facilities that were eligible did not qualify for the additional funding.

An Intervention Inc. halfway house in Henderson

“They moved the bar even lower than it was before,” said Hurst, the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition policy expert. It’s unlikely someone charged with a felony will get through the court process within the two-year timeframe, she said.

Ruske, of the Office of Community Corrections, told ProPublica that if facilities are not trying to improve, the state has the authority to cut their funding to “encourage participation.” OCC last exercised that authority in 2016.

Although ComCor qualified for the new incentive funding tied to recidivism, Wester, the executive director, doesn’t think a facility should be held accountable for its former clients’ success or failure after they leave a community corrections program.

“We do everything we can to work with clients, but once (they) get out, I mean, they control much of their lives and they start making decisions,” he said.

Hurst said she’s heard facility operators make that argument many times but believes it ignores the purpose of halfway houses to provide treatment and support so people stay out of the criminal justice system.

“That’s the whole premise of community corrections,” Hurst said. “So if the outcome is that people are ultimately ending up in prison, in jail, anyway, that’s concerning.”

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by Moe Clark, photography by Eli Imadali

ProPublica Opens Up Five New Opportunities With Our Local Reporting Network

2 years 7 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

Applications are now open for five spots in ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network. We’re seeking to work with local journalists in Mississippi, New Mexico and New Orleans who are interested in investigating wrongdoing and abuses of power in their communities.

Our new partners will begin work on Jan. 2, 2023, and will continue for one year. Journalists from local and regional publications covering those three locations are eligible to apply.

ProPublica will pay each full-time reporter’s salary (up to $75,000), plus an allowance for benefits. Local reporters will work from and report to their home newsrooms while receiving extensive support and guidance for their work from ProPublica, including collaboration with a senior editor and access to ProPublica’s expertise with data, research, engagement, video and design. The work will be published or broadcast by your newsroom and simultaneously by ProPublica.

Applications are due Nov. 1, 2022, at 11:59 p.m. Pacific time. Here are more details for those interested in applying.

ProPublica launched the Local Reporting Network at the beginning of 2018 to boost investigative journalism in local newsrooms. Since then, we have worked with nearly 60 news organizations. The network is part of ProPublica’s local initiative, which includes offices in the Midwest, South and Southwest, plus an investigative unit in partnership with the Texas Tribune.

Reporting by the Local Reporting Network and other local partners has had significant impact.

MLK50, a nonprofit news organization in Memphis, Tennessee, reported on how the area’s largest hospital system sued and garnished the wages of thousands of poor patients, including its own employees, for unpaid medical debts. The hospital subsequently curtailed its lawsuits against patients, erased $11.9 million in unpaid medical debts, dramatically expanded its financial assistance policy for hospital care and raised the minimum wage it pays employees. The stories won the Selden Ring Award for Investigative Reporting.

Our partnership with the Miami Herald looked at the deeply troubled Florida program intended to provide services and a financial cushion for the families of children born with devastating brain injuries. The “Birth Rights” series found that the program protected doctors at the expense of suffering families and that it had amassed $1.5 billion in assets while families waited for help. The reporting pushed the state legislature to quickly enact long-needed reforms and spurred the program’s executive director to roll out further benefits for the families before she ultimately resigned.

And our collaboration with Nashville Public Radio (WPLN) went deep into one county in Tennessee that was arresting and locking up children at extraordinary rates. The series about Rutherford County was read more than 3.5 million times and spurred demands for reform. Eleven members of Congress called for the U.S. Department of Justice to open a civil rights investigation. Tennessee’s governor called for a review of Rutherford County’s juvenile court judge. In January 2022, legislators introduced a bill to remove the judge, citing an “appalling abuse of power.” An hour after ProPublica wrote about that bill, the judge announced that she would retire this year rather than run for election.

Applications to join the Local Reporting Network should be submitted by newsroom leaders proposing a particular project and a specific reporter. If you lead a newsroom and are interested in working with us, we’d like to hear from you about:

  • An investigative project. The proposed coverage can take any number of forms: a few long stories, an ongoing series of shorter stories, text, audio, video or something else. We are looking for some specific qualities in a proposal: what makes this story unique to your community (Why here?); how your project is different from prior coverage; how it points the finger not only at harm but at wrongdoing committed by a person, policy, law or entity; why this project has particular urgency now; and how your newsroom plans to execute the work.
  • The reporter whom you ideally envision spearheading the work and the market salary you would need to pay them from Jan. 1, 2023, through Dec. 31, 2023. This could be someone already on staff or someone else — for example, a freelancer with whom you hope to work. Please include a personal statement by the reporter explaining their interest, at least three clips and, of course, a resume.

Freelancers are also welcome to apply, but must submit a joint application with an eligible news organization willing to publish their work.

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Please submit your proposal by Nov. 1, 2022, at 11:59 p.m. Pacific time. Entries will be judged principally by ProPublica editors. Selected proposals will be announced by early December.

by ProPublica

State Investigation Reveals Racial Disparities in Student Discipline and Police Involvement

2 years 7 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

This story was co-published with the Chicago Tribune.

Join us Sept. 20 for a live virtual event, “Ticketed at School.”

At Illinois’ largest high school district, Black and Latino students were suspended more often than white students, disciplined more often for subjective reasons like dress code violations, and referred more frequently to the local police, who in many cases then issued costly tickets for misbehavior, data submitted as part of a state investigation shows.

The information provided to state officials by Township High School District 211 reveals widespread disparities involving not just students of color but also those with disabilities. The Illinois attorney general’s office is in the early stages of a civil rights investigation that aims to determine if some groups of District 211 students have been unfairly disciplined at school.

The data, obtained through a public records request, shows that Black and Latino students together received about 65% of the roughly 470 tickets police have issued to high school students since the start of the 2018-19 school year. Those groups make up just 32% of district enrollment. White students, meanwhile, make up nearly 43% of enrollment but received about 28% of the tickets.

More than 22% of the tickets were issued to students whose disabilities made them eligible for an Individualized Education Plan, though those students make up only about 9% of the enrollment. The district, with 11,800 students, operates five high schools and two alternative schools in the large suburbs of Palatine, Hoffman Estates and Schaumburg.

The attorney general’s office began its investigation following publication of “The Price Kids Pay,” an investigation by the Chicago Tribune and ProPublica that revealed schools across Illinois have been working with police to punish students with costly tickets for violating municipal ordinances.

The news organizations’ investigation included a first-of-its-kind database of tickets issued at Illinois public schools over three school years. The attorney general’s office has said District 211 stood out both for the number of tickets issued and for racial disparities in the ticketing. (The news database includes tickets provided by local police departments, not the school district, from the school years ending in 2019, 2020 and 2021. The data from the state investigation includes the school year ending this summer and comes from the district).

District officials deny that race factors into their disciplinary decisions. In a statement, District 211 Superintendent Lisa Small said the data on disparities reduces “individual students to simplistic statistics.”

“They are not a statistic to us, but a developing young adult,” she wrote. “Race is not and has never been a factor in our student discipline. Decisions are highly individualized and based on the specific behavior and are not well-suited to a simple numerical analysis.”

Small also said the district recently stopped alerting law enforcement when students are truant. A 2019 Illinois law made it illegal for schools to notify police when students are truant so that officers can ticket them, but the Tribune and ProPublica identified dozens of school districts that routinely failed to follow this law, including District 211.

Amy Meek, chief of the Civil Rights Bureau in the Illinois attorney general’s office, said in an interview last week that an initial review of the District 211 data is revealing disparities related to students’ race and disability status, and that “those are the kinds of things that we would typically want to look more closely at.”

Meek said the next step is to try to understand, possibly through additional records and interviews, the reasons for the disparities. “You have to not just identify the disparity but also assess whether this disparity is the result of a particular policy or set of decisions and is there an alternative that would have a less disparate impact,” Meek said.

One Black parent whose son received a ticket at Palatine High School said the disparities in the data don’t surprise her. Her son’s ticket, issued by a school-based police officer, was dismissed at a hearing. Racial bias exists everywhere, she said, including at school.

“It is already inside their minds like, ‘These people are the bad people so we have to keep an extra eye out on them,’” said the woman, who attended the hearing at the village’s police station. “Of course they should be doing something about it.”

Some District 211 records show that school officials were aware of concerns about racial disparities in discipline. The district commissioned a study on race and equity at its schools that began in 2020 and became the basis for a districtwide plan to address racial equity.

“Parents and students believe that there are unfair disciplinary practices in our schools” that result in a “harsher discipline consequence” for Black and Latino students, according to early findings based on focus groups of students and parents.

The district’s data confirms that disparities exist, including in enforcement of minor disciplinary matters such as insubordination, dress code violations and student ID violations. In addition to the ticketing disparities, district records show that Black and Latino students together received 65% of the suspensions that schools imposed. About 36% of the suspensions went to students with disabilities.

But in a letter to the attorney general’s office accompanying the data, the district’s lawyer denied any bias.

“The District does not believe the data contained below reflects a disparate impact of disciplinary consequences,” the letter states. The district also told the attorney general’s office that it has prioritized training and professional development on “educational equity and trauma informed care.” It provided hundreds of pages of materials, including training for school employees on how to respond to students in crisis and on understanding equity.

The district also distanced itself from actions police take at school, stating in the letter that police, not high school employees, write the tickets. Workers also don’t call police to come to the school, according to the letter. Instead, employees refer students to “police consultants,” or police officers who are already stationed at the schools, and those officers decide what action to take.

The district also said that when it sends students to police, its “intent is not that students are issued fines or fees, but to add a layer of support.” Yet district training and handbook materials warn that misbehavior can result in fines.

Tickets issued by Palatine police carry fines and, in some cases, a $55 fee for an administrative hearing, where tickets can be disputed or penalties reduced. The hearing officer in Palatine can approve community service instead of a fine, but he also can impose up to a $750 fine if the student doesn’t show up to the hearing or complete the ordered community service.

The attorney general’s office is also examining the village of Palatine and its Police Department, which has officers stationed in three district buildings.

District 211 and Palatine sent records to the attorney general’s office in July. The school district then provided those records — more than 1,500 pages’ worth — to the Tribune and ProPublica in response to a Freedom of Information Act request. The Palatine Police Department has refused to turn over its records to the news organizations.

The district’s records show that when school officials involve the police, a process known as a police referral, Latino students are more likely than other groups to receive a ticket.

The federal government considers all tickets written on campus as stemming from a police referral. Districtwide, Latino students were referred to police 400 times over the time period the attorney general is examining, and about 64% of those referrals resulted in a ticket. When white students were referred to police, tickets were written about 52% of the time. Black students referred to police received tickets about 31% of the time.

The data does not include tickets issued in the 2020-2021 school year, when buildings were closed for much of the year because of the pandemic. And though the data shows tickets were issued at all District 211 high schools, the district acknowledged that it may not have records on all tickets issued and that the three police departments serving the district could have records concerning additional tickets.

The Tribune and ProPublica previously documented the tickets issued on school property or at school events by police from Palatine, Schaumburg and Hoffman Estates and reported that the reason for the tickets was often possession of e-cigarettes, cannabis or drug paraphernalia; truancy; or disorderly conduct. So far, the attorney general’s office has requested records only from the Palatine police, but Meek said it’s typical for her office to issue subsequent requests for information and conduct interviews in the course of civil rights investigations.

Police chiefs in Palatine and Hoffman Estates, where officers issued most of the school-based tickets, which often carried hundreds of dollars in fines, did not respond to requests for comment. In Schaumburg, where students received fewer tickets, police Chief Bill Wolf said decisions to arrest or issue citations to students depend on “the seriousness of the crime, previous history, and the ability or desire of the parents or guardians to correct the behavior.”

“The race or disability status of the juvenile has absolutely no part in the determination to make an arrest or pursue a citation,” Wolf said in an email. The Schaumburg tickets often do not result in a fine, he said.

In June and July, reporters attended hearings at the Palatine police station where high school students who had received tickets appeared before a hearing officer. Students had been ticketed for truancy, possession of a vaping device and vandalism.

One student, a Palatine High School sophomore, was ticketed in April after he returned to school from a lunch break. The police officer stationed at the school accused the 16-year-old student, who is Black, of damaging a chain-link fence that students often pass through as a shortcut at lunchtime.

The school is listed as the complainant on the ticket. The student said in an interview that he told the school-based police officer he didn’t damage the fence.

Palatine High School students regularly walk through the gap in this fence that separates the school from an apartment complex. A school-based police officer issued a sophomore a ticket for vandalism earlier this year. The student denied damaging the fence. (Armando L. Sanchez/Chicago Tribune)

The ticket, which accused the student of violating Palatine’s vandalism ordinance, carried a $200 fine. At the student’s June hearing, the hearing officer suggested that the student do 16 hours of community service, which the village allows as an alternative to paying the fine. When the student started to talk about his fast-food jobs, including one at Smoothie King, the hearing officer said he thought he recognized the teen from there. “I remember your hair,” he told the student. The student was confused; he had not yet started working at that job.

A police officer based at Palatine High School issued this $200 citation to a sophomore he accused of damaging a fence. The school is listed as the complainant. At a later hearing, the ticket was dismissed after another student took responsibility for the hole in the fence. (Redactions by ProPublica. Ticket obtained by ProPublica)

The student’s mom then interjected, asking her son whether he had damaged the fence. The student said he hadn’t, that it was already damaged when he went through. “It wasn’t me,” he said. “I am saying I didn’t rip the fence. I didn’t rip the fence open.” The hearing officer responded by telling the student the police officer could have charged him with a crime instead of writing a ticket.

The hearing officer ultimately dismissed the student’s case when another student who received a similar ticket acknowledged he had damaged the fence.

But the hearing officer didn’t seem to recall the dismissal when he saw the first student at Smoothie King a couple weeks later, according to the student.

“The judge came to my job and mentioned it in front of my coworkers,” the student said. “He asked in front of them, ‘Did you get those [community service] hours done?’”

Attempts to reach the hearing officer for comment were unsuccessful.

“It was uncomfortable,” said the student, who felt forced to explain the situation to the other employees. “It’s embarrassing to do it in front of my co-workers because it could have ruined my job.”

by Jodi S. Cohen, ProPublica, and Jennifer Smith Richards, Chicago Tribune

For Donald Trump, Information Has Always Been Power

2 years 7 months ago

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Ever since the FBI came out of Mar-a-Lago last month with box after box of documents, some of them highly sensitive and classified, questions have wafted over the criminal investigation: Why did former President Donald Trump sneak off with the stash to begin with? Why did he keep it when he was asked to return it? And what, if anything, did he plan to do with it?

It’s true that Trump likes to collect shiny objects, like the framed Time magazine cover that was stowed, according to the U.S. Justice Department, alongside documents marked top secret. It’s true, as The Associated Press reported, that Trump has a “penchant for collecting” items that demonstrate his connection to famous people, like Shaquille O’Neal’s giant shoe, which he kept in his office in New York’s Trump Tower.

But I’ve covered Trump and his business for decades, and there’s something else people around him have told me over and over again: Trump knows the value of hoarding sensitive, secret information and wielding it regularly and precisely for his own ends. The 76-year-old former host of “The Apprentice” came up in the world of New York tabloids, where trading gossip was the coin of the realm. Certainly sometimes he just wanted to show off that he knew things about important people. But he also has used compromising information to pressure elected officials, seek a commercial advantage or blunt accountability and oversight.

A Trump spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

Take a little-known episode where Trump tried to pressure former Republican New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman.

In 1997, Trump, then a major casino owner in Atlantic City, was furious with New Jersey elected officials for supporting a $330 million tunnel project. The tunnel would run from the Atlantic City Expressway almost to the doorstep of a casino run by then-rival Steve Wynn. “Trump didn’t want Wynn in Atlantic City,” Whitman recently told me. Trump “wanted to control the gambling there.”

As a casino owner, Trump wasn’t able to make donations in New Jersey legislative races, contributions being one of his go-to methods of attempting to exert control over government decisions. But Trump could run caustic ads and file lawsuits, which he did. When none of that worked, and the tunnel was in the final stages of approval, Whitman said, Trump called her up.

A few years before the tunnel vote, Whitman’s son, Taylor, who was in high school at the time, had gotten falling-down drunk at a private dance at Trump’s Plaza Hotel off Central Park in New York City and had to be taken to the hospital. This is something that high school students stupidly do, and Whitman said to me she was happy for Taylor to be sick “to teach him a lesson.” But in the call, Trump suddenly brought the episode up. He said it would be “too bad” if the press found out about her son’s drunken antics.

“He made the threat during the deliberations over the tunnel,” Whitman said, and it “blindsided” her because the high school dance was private and Taylor's behavior had been a family concern. She had no idea how Trump found out about it, she said, but the episode made it clear to her that people collected and delivered sensitive information to Trump about what happened in his properties. She did not buckle to Trump, and he never made good on his threat.

Many people who have found themselves, for better or worse, in Trump’s orbit over the decades — people with far less power than Whitman — told me it was obvious that Trump collected information on people, delighted in it, even. And he was not shy about deploying it. “There was always someone watching,” one former high-level Trump Organization employee told me. “What Donald would do is he would let the person know he knows, in his around-the-corner way. He let the person know he was all-imposing and he knew what was going on.” Like most other former employees, this person did not want to speak on the record for fear that Trump would still come after him all these years later.

It was helpful for Trump that people knew he collected information on others’ less glowing moments as potential ammunition down the road. One top former New Jersey lawmaker told me that he’d been warned to be on his best behavior when he traveled to Atlantic City because Trump kept an eye on important people. Even as a rumor, it furnished Trump with power.

In one infamous case involving a journalist, Trump wielded his knowledge about behavior in the casino town.

In 1990, Neil Barsky, then a Wall Street Journal reporter, came upon a scoop. He was told by a banker that “Donald Trump is driving 100 miles per hour toward a brick wall, and he has no brakes” in Atlantic City. Four large banks had hundreds of millions of dollars of debt on the line. Trump was divorcing his first wife, Ivana, and trying desperately to keep his finances from her and out of the tabloids. Unfortunately for him, Barsky kept writing about Trump’s financial difficulties.

In early 1991, one of Trump’s senior executives offered Barsky comp tickets to a company-sponsored boxing match in Atlantic City. His editor encouraged him to accept a ticket for himself to cultivate Trump Organization sources. In what he later called “an act of bad judgment,” Barsky also accepted tickets for his father and brother. Writing about the episode in 2016, Barsky said he later learned that after the match, Trump called the New York Post, asking, “How would you like to destroy the career of a Wall Street Journal reporter?” The story that ensued conjured a picture of a malevolent Barsky, extorting the tickets in exchange for keeping bad stories out of his paper.

After it appeared, the editors moved Barsky off the beat and Trump no longer had to deal with his tough financial scrutiny.

A decade later, Trump tried the same thing with another journalist, New York Times real estate reporter Charles V. Bagli. For years, Trump had offered Bagli tickets to the U.S. Open. One year, Bagli finally accepted to advance his reporting on a story. Trump had been trying to ingratiate himself with an important beat writer — but now he had a piece of potentially compromising information.

Finally the moment came. After Bagli wrote a story fact-checking the opening credits to “The Apprentice,” writing that Trump “is not the largest developer in New York, nor does he own Trump International Hotel and Tower,” Trump pounced. His lawyer sent a letter to the Times threatening a lawsuit and stating that Bagli had tried to shake Trump down for the tickets and wrote the piece when Trump refused. The accusation was false, and the Times backed its reporter.

If people’s gambling and hotel habits can be valuable, top secret intelligence has the potential to be even more so. As it was back in his casino heyday, just the knowledge that Trump may have compromising secrets, and could use them, confers continued power.

The New Jersey tunnel Trump fought so hard against was ultimately approved, though Wynn, and then Trump, left Atlantic City. But Trump and Whitman never reconciled. In 2016 she declined to support him in the Republican primary for president. Displeased, Trump forwarded a letter to her, Whitman recalled, that again referred to her son’s drunken incident at the school dance. By this time her son, who now works in health care finance, was an adult. As Whitman remembered, on the letter were these words scrawled with a Sharpie: “Too bad you don’t remember the good old days.”

Help ProPublica Investigate Threats to U.S. Democracy

by Andrea Bernstein

For Helping Voters Who Can’t Read, She’s Been Criminally Charged — Twice. That Hasn’t Stopped Her.

2 years 7 months ago

Sign up for ProPublica’s User’s Guide to Democracy, a series of personalized emails that help you understand the upcoming election, from who’s on your ballot to how to cast your vote.

This story was co-published with Gray TV/Investigate TV.

Before 1965, many Southern states forced voters to prove they could read before casting a ballot, a requirement primarily designed to keep Black people from voting. The Voting Rights Act put an end to those polling site exams. But a ProPublica investigation found that the efforts to block people who have difficulty reading from casting a ballot continue, especially in the South. In fact, today's election system remains a modern-day literacy test.

It didn’t get that way by accident. For decades, conservative politicians have passed laws to make it harder for these voters to cast a ballot and discourage anyone trying to help them.

Olivia Coley-Pearson knows this better than most. She has been criminally charged twice in the past decade for her attempts to help people navigate their ballots; she has never been found guilty of any wrongdoing. Now 60, she serves as a city commissioner in Douglas, the majority-Black seat of Coffee County, where a third of the population struggles to read. On the day of Georgia’s primary elections in May, she woke up early to rally voters and volunteer. ProPublica followed her to capture what it takes to ensure that voters who need help can get it.

To learn more, check out ProPublica’s investigation of Coley-Pearson’s fight and the persistent suppression of low-literacy voters, read our story about successful voting reforms, and see our guide on how to get help with voting.

by Mauricio Rodríguez Pons, Aliyya Swaby and Annie Waldman

Are You in a State That Banned Abortion? Tell Us How Changes in Medical Care Impact You.

2 years 7 months ago

In the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe vs. Wade, strict new abortion laws went into effect in more than a dozen states. Since then, women have reported being denied care for miscarriages, ectopic pregnancies, fatal fetal anomalies and unforseen crises, like premature rupture of membranes.

We are a nonprofit, nonpartisan, investigative news organization that wants to better understand how these laws are affecting the most intimate of health care decisions between patients and providers. Lawmakers who support the restrictions say the measures include exceptions to address life-threatening emergencies, and, in some cases, rape and incest. But many medical providers say the laws are not clear enough to account for all of the dangers that could arise during pregnancy.

These are significant policy changes and, as reporters, we are interested in learning about how they are experienced by real people. We know there are a lot of strong feelings about this issue, but we’re not looking for opinions. We’re looking for examples and insights. We are especially interested in hearing from caregivers or lawyers who work in the continuum of medical care.

If you’re in a state that tightly restricts abortion, we’d like to know more about your experiences and observations. If you are pregnant or are planning to become pregnant, what are your questions about how your state’s new laws affect your options or care? Have you had a medical conversation about what falls under the definition of “emergency” or a health threat under your state’s law? Contact us using the form below.

by Kavitha Surana and Adriana Gallardo

New Voting Restrictions Could Make It Harder for 1 in 5 Americans to Vote

2 years 7 months ago

Sign up for ProPublica’s User’s Guide to Democracy, a series of personalized emails that help you understand the upcoming election, from who’s on your ballot to how to cast your vote.

This video is the result of a partnership between ProPublica and Gray TV/InvestigateTV.

For all the recent focus on voting rights, little attention has been paid to one of the most sustained and brazen suppression campaigns in America: the effort to block help at the voting booth for people who struggle to read — a group that now amounts to about 48 million Americans, or more than a fifth of the adult population.

Across the country, from California to Georgia, people like Olivia Coley-Pearson and Faye Combs are working to help citizens with low literacy skills exercise their constitutional right to vote, but doing so requires fighting through stigma and increased restrictions on accessibility.

Watch the Investigation (Investigate TV)

While new voting restrictions in states like Florida, Texas and Georgia do not all target voters who struggle to read, they make it especially challenging for these voters to get help casting ballots. ProPublica analyzed the voter turnout in 3,000 counties and found that places with lower estimated literacy rates tended to also have lower turnout.

See for yourself: For the launch of its Right to Read series, ProPublica partnered with Gray TV’s Investigate TV team, which produced the segment above.

Read the full ProPublica investigation.

by Caresse Jackman, Gray TV/Investigate TV, and Aliyya Swaby and Annie Waldman, ProPublica

Human Trafficking’s Newest Abuse: Forcing Victims Into Cyberscamming

2 years 7 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

The ads on the Telegram messaging service’s White Shark Channel this summer had the matter-of-fact tone and clipped phrasing you might find on a Craigslist posting. But this Chinese-language forum, which had some 5,700 users, wasn’t selling used Pelotons or cleaning services. It was selling human beings — in particular, human beings in Sihanoukville, Cambodia, and other cities in southeast Asia.

“Selling a Chinese man in Sihanoukville just smuggled from China. 22 years old with ID card, typing very slow,” one ad read, listing $10,000 as the price. Another began: “Cambodia, Sihanoukville, six Bangladeshis, can type and speak English.” Like handbills in the days of American slavery, the channel also included offers of bounties for people who had run away. (After an inquiry from ProPublica, Telegram closed the White Shark Channel for “distributing the private information of individuals without consent.” But similar forums still operate freely.)

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  • Cambodia, Sihanoukville, six Bangladeshis, can type and speak English, for companies in Sihanoukville targeting foreigners, people who can make decisions come chat, can deliver.
  • Sihanoukville, a few Chinese born in the 90s. Cannot share pictures, no passports. Have ID cards, can interview directly. Price relatively high.
  • Selling a Chinese man in Sihanoukville just smuggled from China. 22 years old with ID card, typing very slow. Only third day here. Companies who can accept slow typers come chat. 10,000 USD.
Listings from the White Shark Channel on Telegram (Screenshots and translations by ProPublica)

Fan, a 22-year-old from China who was taken captive in 2021, was sold twice within the past year, he said. He doesn’t know if he was listed on Telegram. All he knows is that each time he was sold, his new captors raised the amount he’d have to pay to buy his freedom. In that way, his debt more than doubled from $7,000 to $15,500 in a country where the annual per capita income is about $1,600.

Fan, photographed in Phnom Penh, Cambodia (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

Fan’s descent into forced labor began, as human trafficking often does, with what seemed like a bona fide opportunity. He had been a prep cook at his sister’s restaurant in China’s Fujian province until it closed, then he delivered meals for an app-based service. In March 2021, Fan was offered a marketing position with what purported to be a well-known food delivery company in Cambodia. The proposed salary, $1,000 a month, was enticing by local standards, and the company offered to fly him in. Fan was so excited that he told his older brother, who already worked in Cambodia, about the opportunity. Fan’s brother quit his job and joined him. By the time they realized the offer was a sham, it was too late. Their new bosses wouldn’t let them leave the compound where they had been put to work.

Unlike the countless people trafficked before them who were forced to perform sex work or labor for commercial shrimping operations, the two brothers ended up in a new occupation for trafficking victims: playing roles in financial scams that have swindled people across the globe, including in the United States.

Tens of thousands of people from China, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam and elsewhere in the region have been similarly tricked. Phony job ads lure them into working in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, where Chinese criminal syndicates have set up cyberfraud operations, according to interviews with human rights advocates, law enforcement personnel, rescuers and a dozen victims of this new form of human trafficking. The victims are then coerced into defrauding people all around the world. If they resist, they face beatings, food deprivation or electric shocks. Some jump from balconies to escape. Others accept their lot and become paid participants in cybercrime.

Fan and his brother eventually ended up in Sihanoukville in a compound surrounded by a barbed wire fence. They were made to lure people in Germany into depositing funds with a phony online brokerage controlled by their operation, which also targeted English speakers in Australia and elsewhere.

“This idea of combining two crimes, scamming and human trafficking, is a very new phenomenon,” said Matt Friedman, chief executive of the Mekong Club, a Hong Kong-based nonprofit that combats what it calls modern slavery. Calling it a “double hurt,” Friedman said it’s unlike anything he’s ever seen in his 35-year career. The phenomenon has only just begun to come to light in the U.S., including in a Vice article published in July.

The most widely used technique among these operations is known as pig butchering, an allusion to the practice of fattening up a hog before slaughtering it. The approach combines some time-tested elements of fraud — such as gaining trust, in the manner of a Ponzi scheme, by making it easy for marks to extract cash at first — with elements unique to the internet era. It relies on the effectiveness of relationships nurtured on social media and the ease with which currencies can be moved electronically.

Typically, fraudsters ingratiate themselves into online friendships or romantic relationships and then manipulate their targets into depositing larger and larger sums in investment platforms that are controlled by the fraudsters. Once the targets can’t or won’t deposit more, they lose access to their original funds. They’re then informed that the only way to retrieve their cash is by depositing even more money or paying a hefty fee. Needless to say, any additional funds disappear in similar fashion.

Some Americans have lost huge sums. An entrepreneur in California said she was swindled out of $2 million and unwittingly facilitated an additional $1 million in losses by convincing her friends to join her in what seemed like a surefire investment. A hospital technician in Houston enticed her friends and colleagues to join her in a similar scheme, costing the group $110,000. An accountant in Connecticut is no longer preparing for retirement after watching $180,000 vanish in two separate swindles. They were among more than two dozen scam victims from seven countries interviewed by ProPublica.

Out of fear or shame, most pig butchering victims do not report their losses. That’s one reason that the limited data available likely understates the scale of the damage. According to the Global Anti-Scam Organization, a nonprofit founded last year to combat the new form of fraud, at least 1,838 people in 46 countries have lost an average of about $169,000 each to pig butchering since June 2021. Many still seem stunned by the effectiveness of the trickery. “I have to say, it’s brilliant,” said a Silicon Valley CEO who tallied her loss at $800,000 and asked not to be named out of embarrassment. For many victims, the betrayal by a seeming friend only compounds the devastation.

Fan’s ordeal began with a burst of optimism. He flew to Cambodia’s capital, Phnom Penh — it was his first time leaving China — and then waited out two weeks of COVID-19 quarantine in a hotel. He was then driven to a walled-off condominium complex in the city to begin his training. It was only then, in April 2021, that he realized something was off. Instead of learning about food delivery or working in a kitchen, he and his brother were placed in front of computers and told to study materials about how to defraud people online.

Fan, who is serious and reserved, with a crew cut and a round face that betrays little emotion, was able to document parts of his account, including the offer letter that drew him to Cambodia. (Fan is his family nickname; he asked that ProPublica not include his full name out of fear of his captors.) His experiences resembled those of other trafficking victims ProPublica interviewed and aligned with descriptions provided by experts and others.

Job ads, like this one on Facebook, are often used by human traffickers to lure young people into scam sweatshops in Sihanoukville. Facebook removed the post after ProPublica asked about the ad. (Screenshot by ProPublica)

Fan and his brother spent six months engaging in pig butchering schemes before their bosses decided to relocate the operation to Sihanoukville. The bosses presented them with a choice: They could pay the equivalent of $7,000 each to leave, or they could move along with the company. The brothers, who were paid negligible wages for their work, couldn’t afford the fee. So they relocated to Sihanoukville, in the upper floors of a hotel and casino called the White Sand Palace located in the center of the city.

The job could be terrifying. Fan said he witnessed a worker “half-beaten to death” by guards. “People were saying: ‘Help him! Help him!’” he recalled. “But nobody went up to help him. Nobody dared to.”

Only weeks after Fan and his brother arrived at White Sand, they experienced a brief moment of hope, Fan said. A person approached them and offered to get them out. With his help, they managed to leave — only to realize that the seeming savior had sold them to another criminal organization. This one was located in a fortified complex of beige dormitories on the edge of Sihanoukville with the grandiose name Arc de Triomphe. The $7,000 each owed for his freedom had risen to $11,700. And the price would go higher still.

Cyberfraud operations in Asia, including the ones Fan worked for, are highly organized. Some have gone so far as to draft detailed, psychologically astute training materials on how to dupe strangers. ProPublica obtained more than 200 such documents from an activist who helps involuntary workers escape.

Pig butchering scammers often claim that a well-placed aunt or uncle is feeding them inside information. Some training guides include talking points to teach scammers how to utilize this script effectively. (Screenshot by ProPublica)

Step one in the fraud process for Fan and others was to create an attractive online persona. In his case, he was expected to pose as a woman when wooing targets online. His operation bought photos and videos from websites that cater to such operations. For example, bundles of hundreds of photos of good-looking women and men are available for less than the cost of a cup of coffee from a shop called YouTaoTu. Another website markets a “pig butchering scam” package: For the equivalent of $12, it offers a “handsome guy set” of images of a man with perfectly chiseled abs. (Neither online store responded to requests for comment.) Such photos are frequently lifted from the online accounts of unsuspecting people; ProPublica found that images used by one fraudster were stolen from the Instagram profile of a Chinese social media influencer.

An image of a man showing off his chiseled abs is part of a “pig butchering scam” package of 197 photographs (including one of the man driving a Porsche) on sale for $12 on an online marketplace. (Screenshot by ProPublica)

Scamming guides obtained by ProPublica recommend using such photos to set up social media accounts and then bolster them with the simulacrum of an affluent lifestyle by posting photos of luxury cars, along with descriptions of relevant hobbies such as investing. Stressing your belief in the importance of family, one guide adds, is the sort of touch that helps foster trust.

The resulting profiles can seem so real that one Canadian man met his future scammer after Facebook’s algorithm suggested the person to him as a friend. The chance encounter cost him and his friends nearly $400,000, according to a police report he later filed. Other victims told ProPublica they met their scammers on LinkedIn, OkCupid, Tinder, Instagram or WhatsApp. (Meta, which owns Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram, said it has “long prohibited this content” and is investing “significant resources” into blocking it. Match Group, owner of Tinder and OkCupid, said it’s using machine learning and content moderators to fight fraud. LinkedIn didn’t respond to emails seeking comment.)

The next step for Fan was to contact as many victims as possible. He recalled working on a team of eight under a group leader, who gave each of them 10 phones to make it easy to keep multiple chats going, along with lists of phone numbers to contact. Fan’s job was to try to initiate conversations on WhatsApp. He would do it by pretending he had reached a wrong number, a common ruse. Others would open with a simple “Hi.”

One former scam worker holds the phones he used to contact potential victims. (Photograph provided to ProPublica)

Some tiny percentage of people responded favorably. When they did, Fan’s job was to handle the crucial initial part of the conversation. That’s when scammers are instructed to get to know their victims and discover what one training guide calls “pain points” that can be exploited. It’s also an opportunity to do what another document calls “customer mapping,” screening potential marks to glean information on their wealth and their vulnerability to being “cut,” slang for convincing them to fall for the scheme.

Fraudsters often initiate conversations on WhatsApp using wrong number-type messages. (Screenshot provided to ProPublica by the Global Anti-Scam Organization)

Using WhatsApp offered other practical advantages. Initially, Fan said, his team was aiming its efforts at Germans. Fan doesn’t speak a word of German, but it didn’t matter. All his chats were filtered through language translation software. Later, his team shifted to marks who spoke English. If any of the potential victims wanted to hear the voice of the attractive woman he was pretending to be, Fan said, there was a woman on staff who spoke fluent English and could record voice memos for him.

Because he was a rookie, Fan’s job was mostly limited to enticing marks to download an app called MetaTrader that would provide access to a brokerage where, he told his new “friends,” they could make fortunes trading cryptocurrencies. Fan would try to convince them to buy cryptocurrencies such as ethereum or bitcoin and deposit them in a brokerage controlled by the scam operation. The brokerage would then post phony numbers, including ones that represented supposed gains in their accounts.

If customers complied and began depositing significant sums, Fan said, he would typically hand the phone to his boss, who would take over and begin prospecting for a major strike. The strategy squares with what several scam victims told ProPublica: They sensed they were talking with multiple people. Indeed, they often were.

Why MetaTrader Is a Favorite Tool for Pig Butchering

Consumers who file complaints about pig butchering with the Federal Trade Commission routinely mention MetaTrader as a conduit for fraud. Among 716 such complaints filed since June 2021, consumers reported losing $87 million, FTC data shows. Separately, ProPublica identified 60 fake brokerages that have used MetaTrader for pig butchering.

Why has the app become such a staple of these scams?

MetaTrader isn’t a brokerage. It’s a platform. It’s analogous to using Amazon’s website to buy products from other retailers. Only in the case of MetaTrader, customers use the platform, typically via its phone apps, to access online brokerages where they can trade foreign currencies or other financial instruments. Both Apple and Google distribute MetaTrader in their app stores, giving it broad availability and a patina of legitimacy. (One training manual advises pig butchering fraudsters to cite its distribution by Apple as proof that MetaTrader can be trusted.)

However, MetaQuotes, the Cyprus-based company behind MetaTrader, allows brokerages that it contracts with to sublicense MetaTrader software to other brokerages with few checks to ensure the legitimacy of the sublicensed operations. This has allowed scammers to use MetaTrader as a front for fraudulent websites. Victims who are bilked via MetaTrader see records of trades and account balances, seemingly allowing them to control their money, when in fact that money is already in the swindlers’ possession.

ProPublica shared the list of fake brokerages and the FTC complaints with MetaQuotes CEO Renat Fatkhullin, along with a detailed list of questions. He did not respond. A lawyer for MetaQuotes told one victim that it is “solely a software development company” and has “nothing to do with any complaints of traders against companies that use the software of our clients.” An Apple spokesperson said the company has shared complaints with MetaQuotes, claiming that MetaQuotes has taken steps to respond to the complaints. The spokesperson provided no examples. Google did not respond to a request for comment. The FTC declined to comment.

About 8,000 miles from Cambodia, an American who lives near San Francisco got a WhatsApp message on Oct. 7, 2021, from a stranger calling herself Jessica. She seemed to have reached him by mistake. Jessica asked the man, whose middle name is Yuen, if they knew each other; she said she had found his number on her phone and didn’t know why. Yuen responded that he didn’t know her. But Jessica was chatty and friendly, and her photo was alluring, so they kept talking.

Yuen agreed to tell his story on the condition that ProPublica identify him only by his middle name and omit certain details that could identify him. He saved his chat history with Jessica, which would run to 129,000 words over several months, and later shared it with ProPublica. (Yuen also shared his chat history with Forbes.)

At the moment Jessica initiated contact, Yuen was vulnerable. His father was in a hospital, dying from a lung disease. He had entrusted Yuen, the youngest of four siblings, with the power to decide whether to cut off his life support. It would also be up to Yuen to plan his father’s funeral and distribute his estate.

The family had immigrated to the U.S. from Hong Kong decades earlier. Yuen, who is in his early 50s and works as an accountant for a major university, was more affluent than his siblings, who are all older than him. He felt it was his duty to take care of them in old age, much as he was caring for his father and had cared for his late mother. Jessica told him she admired his commitment to his family. She shared her own tale of having a grandfather in the hospital.

Yuen began trading messages with a stranger named Jessica on WhatsApp in October 2021. (Brian Frank, special to ProPublica)

Jessica was, by all appearances, a savvy and talented woman. She claimed to be a Chinese immigrant herself, a private banker at J.P. Morgan Chase in New York City. (A Chase spokesperson said the bank has no current employee with her purported Chinese name, Wang Xinyi.) Jessica’s photographs showed her spending weekends on Long Island playing with her rich friend’s toddler. She seemed fashionable, loved shopping and found time for yoga nearly every day, and she would flirt with Yuen. When Jessica posted photos of herself at a luxurious beach property, he wrote, “Wish I was there now.” She replied, “We can go play together.”

Text exchanges between Jessica (gray) and Yuen (green) (Screenshots provided to ProPublica)

One Monday in late October, Jessica told Yuen she had just made $100,000 trading gold contracts. She let him in on a secret: She had a rich uncle in Hong Kong who had his own team of analysts who fed her inside quotes about where the price of gold would move. Every time “Uncle,” as she referred to him, called with news of where the market would go, she could make a guaranteed 10% profit by trading on his directions.

Jessica offered to teach Yuen — but only him. “Why just me?” he asked. Jessica said it was because she sympathized with Yuen about his dying father. “The money you earn can better help your father,” she explained. Plus, she knew she could trust him to keep her secret about insider trading. “Of course, I won’t tell anyone,” Yuen told Jessica as he pondered whether to join in.

The exchange marked a key moment in Yuen’s relationship with Jessica. The person behind Jessica’s alter ego was using a manipulation technique called “altercasting,” according to Martina Dove, a psychology researcher and author of “The Psychology of Fraud, Persuasion and Scam Techniques,” who reviewed Yuen’s chat log at ProPublica’s request. It puts the scammer in a position of trusting the target so that the target will reciprocate trust later on. Keeping the trading secret also meant less chance that Yuen’s wife or teenage daughter would learn about his chats with Jessica.

When Yuen agreed to put some money into gold, Jessica told him to download MetaTrader from Apple’s app store. She then told him to use the app to search for a brokerage called S&J Future Limited.

Yuen made it clear he couldn’t afford to lose any money. If he did, he said, he’d have to kill himself. Jessica said there was no need to worry: Uncle was never wrong. Yuen owed it to his father to seize the opportunity.

On Oct. 26, the day he had to go to the hospital to discuss his father’s end-of-life care, Yuen put money on the line for the first time. A conservative investor and lifelong saver, he’d been petrified to put even $2,000 into the brokerage. Jessica convinced him to start with $10,000 and taught him the two-step process to fund his account. First, he wired money from his bank to buy a cryptocurrency called ethereum. Then he could transfer the ethereum to a crypto wallet, whose address she provided.

Jessica insisted that using a cryptocurrency would help Yuen minimize his tax burden. He admitted he had very little idea of what he was doing. No matter. When the transfer was done, his S&J account reflected the deposit. And the next day, when Uncle called Jessica with news, Yuen was ready to buy. His account showed he made $746 after fees.

Jessica claimed she had made $500,000 on the same trade. She told him to get his account up to $50,000 to start earning meaningful sums. Yuen agreed and wired $20,000 the next day and another $20,000 a few days after that. When Jessica saw that he was doing as she’d directed, she praised him — “you’re smart” — and reminded him that the more money he put in, the more he’d earn for his father and siblings.

Little by little, Jessica encouraged Yuen to invest more and more. Yuen liquidated some mutual funds and wired nearly $58,000 on Nov. 2. When Uncle called with news later that night, his MetaTrader account showed an eye-popping gain of $17,000.

In those early weeks, Yuen was thrilled with Jessica. He called her his “true angel” in one message and offered up emojis of joy. Jessica wrote back: “I am not an angel, I am a demon.” She added two smiley-face emojis.

The skyline of Sihanoukville (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

If Cambodia has a capital of fraud, it may well be Sihanoukville, which is named for the country’s onetime king who was ousted in an American-supported coup during the turmoil that erupted as the U.S. bombed the nation during the Vietnam War. The city has transformed over the past five years from a quiet beach resort to a metropolis of casinos and ghostly towers in various stages of construction or decay. The building boom was funded by Chinese investors, who started pouring millions of dollars into Sihanoukville after 2016, when the Philippines launched a crackdown on illegal online gambling outfits that were aimed at Chinese citizens. Cambodia had looser gaming regulations, and its government welcomed Chinese investment, making it a perfect substitute.

Soon Cambodia experienced the same influx of organized crime that had prompted the crackdown in the Philippines. Cambodia, under pressure from the Chinese government, announced a ban on online gambling in August 2019. Months after that, the COVID-19 pandemic struck and casinos in Cambodia were suddenly emptied of customers and workers.

Criminal syndicates repurposed their emptied real estate and began using it for scamming operations, according to Jason Tower, Myanmar country director for the United States Institute of Peace, and other observers in the region. “They’re criminal businesses, but they’re businesses at the end of the day,” he said. “So what did they do? They adapted.” And thanks to the pandemic, human traffickers found no shortage of job seekers with computer skills.

Forced Labor Compounds Have Spread Across Cities in Cambodia and Elsewhere in Southeast Asia (Map by Lucas Waldron, ProPublica. © OpenStreetMap Contributors. Research by Danielle Keeton-Olsen.)

These facilities, which are housed in everything from office buildings to garish casino complexes, aren’t all tucked away in isolated neighborhoods. Some are prominently situated in the heart of cities. The White Sand Palace, which contains not only a gambling establishment but also multiple floors of fraud operations, according to former workers there, is located diagonally across the street from the summer residence of the Cambodian prime minister. White Sand didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Scam operations are often in central locations. The White Sand Palace in Sihanoukville is only a block or so from the prime minister’s summer residence. (Photo by ProPublica)

Many fraud operations are surrounded by barbed wire fences. It’s routine to see windows and balconies completely enclosed by bars. In the Chinatown area of Sihanoukville, storefronts for a noodle shop and a barbershop look unexceptional, until you walk inside and notice that there are bars inside preventing anyone from exiting the complex of heavily guarded buildings.

The beige stretch of towers, center, and the buildings to the left, located in the Chinatown area of Sihanoukville, house scam operations, according to people who say they were held captive there. (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

Over the past year, an array of activists, journalists and nongovernmental organizations in Southeast Asia have begun revealing what’s going on behind the bars in these buildings. Ngô Minh Hiếu, a reformed hacker who now works as a cybersecurity analyst for the Vietnamese government, was one of the first to identify the sites. NGOs such as the International Justice Mission, as well as local media outlets, most notably VOD News, have revealed details of the operations. (ProPublica collaborated with three reporters affiliated with VOD to prepare this article.)

Lu Xiangri, a survivor of human trafficking who became a rescuer, wears a red bracelet he received at a pagoda where he prayed for people trapped in scam compounds. (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

Others, such as Lu Xiangri, who became a volunteer rescuer after escaping a Sihanoukville scam sweatshop, have collected videos depicting abuses in these operations. Lu witnessed severe mistreatment when he was briefly detained inside the Arc de Triomphe last October: He saw a man with a broken leg and a bruised back begging to be sold so that he could avoid further beatings; Lu said the man later died of his injuries. Determined to help others avoid a similar fate, Lu joined a volunteer rescue team, which exposed him to a steady stream of pleas for help that often include graphic images of wounds left by electric shock batons and other corporal punishment. (ProPublica examined scores of similar photos and videos, some of which depict torture — including the use of electronic shock devices on workers’ genitals — but is publishing only a limited number whose authenticity was verified by Lu.)

ProPublica drove up to the gates of three compounds in Sihanoukville where people have alleged being detained and compelled to work as fraudsters. They included the Arc de Triomphe, one complex in Chinatown and another sprawling compound known as White Sand 2. Security guards at the three locations either denied that anything illegal goes on inside or refused to answer questions. “Talk to the boss,” one said, without specifying who the boss was.

Alleged scam compounds in Sihanoukville (Cezary Podkul/ProPublica)

Fan said his life was tightly circumscribed when he worked and lived inside the Arc de Triomphe compound. He could leave his building and enter an adjoining casino and karaoke bar — he said he had no interest, though some workers did gamble or go to the karaoke bar — but the presence of guards would dissuade any hopes of going out into the street. During the four months he was at the Arc de Triomphe, he said, he never set foot outside the compound.

His schedule and routine were regimented. Fan worked on the second floor of a building from 5 p.m. to 9 p.m., then again from 11 p.m. to 5 a.m. He slept in a dorm room with metal bunk beds, with four or five people per room. There was even a small clinic in the compound that provided first aid and rudimentary medical treatment. As Fan put it: “You can’t go anywhere. You’re either eating, sleeping or working.” The days ran into each other, and Fan tried to anesthetize his own feelings, willing himself into emotional torpor. His only pleasure came from playing a fantasy warfare game on his phone each night before going to bed.

The Arc de Triomphe compound in Sihanoukville (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

Fan hated the work. Cheating people out of money was the last thing he thought he’d be doing when he answered a job ad. But he couldn’t leave the compound, nor could he afford to buy his way out. His bosses at the Arc de Triomphe demanded $23,400 for him and his brother. The two were essentially paid on commission, which meant that the more he wanted his freedom, the more he’d have to bilk.

In part because he would hand over promising targets to his boss, but perhaps also because of his reluctance, Fan never delivered a big score. The most he landed was $30,000. He said he felt so terrible after that “success” that he deleted the victim’s contact information from the organization’s database to make sure the person couldn’t be further stripped of cash. Others on his team, he said, extracted as much $500,000 from a single victim.

On Nov. 3, as Jessica was helping him turn his newest deposit of $70,000 into cryptocurrency, Yuen got a message that his father had been taken to the hospital. Yuen raced to join him, and as he sat in the waiting room, some other news came through. It was Jessica, saying her uncle in Hong Kong had given her another signal to trade.

Yuen explained to Jessica that his father was dehydrated and losing the will to eat. He was back in the hospital two days later, crying as he wiped his father’s hands and face. Shortly after, Jessica messaged to ask if his latest deposit of $20,000 had gone through. Yes, he said. He added that he’d decided to give his father comfort in his dying days by moving him to a hospice.

Jessica didn’t seem to grasp what a hospice was. When Yuen explained that it was a care facility for the terminally ill, she perked up: “You need to make more money.” Jessica told him he should raise his account balance to $500,000 so he could cover the cost more easily.

Over the next nine days, Yuen cashed in a $20,000 CD that his mother had bequeathed him and his siblings and tapped a dormant home equity line of credit for $200,000. Each time he traded with Jessica, his account showed an increase, and soon he surpassed the $500,000 mark she’d set out for him.

As Yuen was moving his father into hospice, Jessica pressured him to increase his deposits. “You need to make more money,” she told him. (Brian Frank, special to ProPublica)

Yuen’s father died in the early morning hours of Nov. 14. Yuen was the only one with him when he breathed his last. He wrote Jessica, seeking sympathy, but got a perfunctory response. This is a common stratagem, said Dove, the psychology researcher. She calls it “scarcity”: withdrawing attention unless the target is doing what the scammer wants. When Yuen wanted to talk about anything related to money, Jessica engaged. When he wanted her attention for anything else, she was distant and tried to steer the conversation back to investing.

The next day, with his father now gone, Jessica gave Yuen another goal. She bragged that she was buying yet another home in New York. The conversation turned to real estate and how Yuen could afford a pied-à-terre there. Why, he asked? “So that we can get very close,” Jessica responded. She explained that Uncle had told her a “big market” was coming soon. “If you want to buy a house in New York, you need to increase your capital,” she said.

In just a few weeks of trading, Yuen had shed much of his previous caution. But now he resisted. He was planning his father’s funeral, he told Jessica, and he was overwhelmed at work. Buying a home in New York would have to wait. Jessica urged him to take out another loan. When Yuen refused, she chided him: “You are a wise man, this is borrowing a chicken to lay eggs.” But Yuen didn’t budge.

By Nov. 18, he had gone six days without depositing more money into his account. That’s when his investing idyll came to an end. That day, his MetaTrader app suddenly closed him out of his positions. By the time it was over, his account showed a balance of minus $480,000.

Yuen panicked. He couldn’t lose any of this money, but he felt he couldn’t turn to anyone for help, either. He’d been keeping his MetaTrader habit secret. He lied to his wife and daughter when they asked who he was messaging so frequently, brushing it off as an endless stream of work requests. His siblings didn’t know either. No one knew. No one except Jessica.

Jessica convinced him it was his fault. He must have exited the MetaTrader app instead of following her directions. But it was OK, she said. The big market was still there and he could make everything back quickly. “Prepare the funds and earn them back,” she said.

Yuen didn’t know it, but he had now entered the final stage of pig butchering. This is when scammers sense that their targets have been squeezed dry and are unlikely to deposit more funds. They then shift to the final manipulation: Making the targets aware that they’ve lost all their money and offering them a seeming lifeline to earn it back. The move aims to heighten the targets’ distress. “We normally don’t make our best decisions when we’re in a state of emotional arousal,” said Marti DeLiema, a gerontologist at the University of Minnesota who researches how older Americans are swindled.

Yuen immediately dialed up the financial institutions that managed his family’s savings and ordered a sale of $500,000 worth of mutual fund shares. As he waited for the money to be transferred, he debated whether to inform his family about the loss. Jessica told him, via an emoji depicting an index finger over closed lips, not to say a thing. If he’d only wait a few more days and deposit more funds, he’d turn his loss into a gain. “Yes, we will earn it back,” Yuen said.

The following week, Yuen borrowed $100,000 from his brother-in-law and resumed trading with Jessica as he made final preparations for his father’s funeral. On the day of the funeral, he messaged Jessica. “When I was crying today,” he wrote, “I wasn’t sure if I was crying because I lost my father or I lost all the money.” She responded, “Money can be earned, but people are gone if they are gone.” Yuen thanked Jessica for her help.

Midway through the following week, Jessica pushed him to borrow even more, but Yuen said he had no one he could turn to. Jessica wasn’t buying it. “I don’t think you’ve reached your limit,” she said, adding that every time she had asked him to gather cash before, he’d been able to do so.

When she pushed him again the next day, Yuen exploded. “Omg.!!!” he wrote. “You don’t understand! I have no more resources to get anymore money!” By that time, he couldn’t sleep or eat or do anything other than worry about how to make back his losses.

On Dec. 3, at 11:31 a.m., Jessica messaged Yuen to get ready to do another trade with Uncle’s news. Three minutes later, Yuen executed his 23rd trade with Jessica. Once again, disaster struck: All of his positions suddenly got closed, and his entire portfolio vanished as he watched.

Yuen convulsed with panic. He spent the next several hours in shock and terror as the consequences of the loss raced through his mind. “Give me a solution,” he begged Jessica. She told him to put more money in. When he told her that all he had left was $105, Jessica answered: “With $105, start from scratch, I believe you, you can do it.”

Later that day, Yuen confessed to his family. He told his wife he’d lost 30 years’ worth of their savings. He later admitted that the money he’d borrowed from her brother and the bank was also gone. In all, he had lost just over $1 million. Yuen asked his brother to call an ambulance to escort him to a psychiatric ward, where he was placed on a suicide watch.

If you or someone you know needs help with suicidal thoughts, you can call or text the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 988.

Yuen was released two days later and spent December wondering what had happened. Jessica stopped replying to his messages after a few days, but he kept on asking. “It’s Christmas. Hope you have the heart to help me!!!” he messaged on Dec. 25. (ProPublica got no response to messages it sent to the WhatsApp number used by Jessica.)

Yuen said he didn’t accept that he’d been cheated until after Jan. 1. It was only through the intervention of close friends and relatives that he acknowledged what had happened. He found a support group, the Global Anti-Scam Organization, and began piecing together details of the scam, like a Reddit post warning that S&J Future Limited was a sham brokerage. A fellow victim set up a GoFundMe page to help him, and others began to chip in, including a Massachusetts woman who had lost $2.5 million herself.

In the end, Yuen lost $1 million, more than he and his wife had saved over 30 years. (Brian Frank, special to ProPublica)

But Yuen still struggled to comprehend what kind of person — and where? — would impose such suffering on someone else. He got a partial answer on March 31. That’s when Jessica contacted him again using a different phone number. Yuen was prepared: Another GASO member had taught him a trick to track down a person’s IP address to figure out their location. The chat log shows Jessica fell for the ruse. When the IP information came back, Yuen said, it indicated Cambodia.

Well before then, Fan and his brother had passed the point of desperation. They began seeking ways out of the Arc de Triomphe. In late January, Fan messaged the governor of Preah Sihanouk province via Facebook. The governor’s office responded, asking for Fan’s phone number, he said, and soon after the police called.

But the attempt backfired. Fan’s bosses found out about the call and summoned him and his brother. They berated the two for tarnishing the company’s reputation and threatened legal consequences, according to Fan. The meeting culminated in a videotaped confession in which Fan’s brother read a statement, on behalf of both brothers, prepared by their bosses. A video recording shows Fan’s brother reading a script in which he stated that they had gotten a “personal loan” from the company and had to repay it. He ended by saying, “We would like to apologize to the provincial governor.”

When Fan returned to his desk, his boss was furious. The boss slapped him, Fan said, threw a water bottle in his face and told him to go find the money to pay for his freedom. His boss warned him, according to Fan, that “it doesn’t even matter if you die in here” because it would be so easy to kill him. No one would care. (At least six dead bodies have been discovered in the marshlands or beaches near Sihanoukville’s scam compounds, many of them Chinese men.)

Fan’s police report turned him and his brother into troublemakers in the eyes of their employer. They got sold to another fraud operation, this one back in Phnom Penh, which tacked on further charges to their debt. Each now would have to pay $15,500 for his freedom.

Fan stands on the roof of the guesthouse he stayed in after his escape. (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

In February, Fan found a way to get out. He noticed that his new bosses were less strict about security than his previous captors. They occasionally allowed workers to venture outside the compound. So Fan came up with an excuse — visiting a friend — and received permission to leave. He suspects that his captors let him go because they believed that, as long as they still held his brother, he would return.

But Fan didn’t return. Meanwhile, his brother called the police, and this time they came through. He was released at the urging of local authorities. But before his brother left, he was forced to confess again, this time in writing. That handwritten letter, which Fan shared with ProPublica, stated that he had borrowed $31,000 from the company, was happy and working voluntarily and had never been kidnapped or beaten.

Fan spent his first months of freedom in the Great Wall Hotel, a modest five-story guesthouse steps away from Phnom Penh’s airport that has become a haven for Chinese scam workers who manage to escape. Life at the Great Wall was safe but monotonous. Most residents were just passing the time as they waited for an opportunity to return to China, which has restricted travel due to its zero-COVID-19 policy. Those limits contributed to rising costs for airline tickets, putting a return nearly out of reach for many of the escapees.

In June, Fan moved out of the Great Wall Hotel. He declined to reveal his exact whereabouts, as he’s still afraid that he will be abducted by bounty hunters. Fan has obtained paperwork that will allow him to return to China without his passport, which a scam compound still holds, and his father recently managed to cobble together enough money to pay for him to fly home. Fan dreams of returning to work on his family’s farm, tending to ducks and chickens while safely under his parents’ roof. “I won’t come out to work again,” Fan said. “There’s not much future working for other people.”

The front desk at the Great Wall Hotel in Phnom Penh (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

Cambodia’s fraud operations often have links not just to organized crime but also to the country’s political and business elites. The Arc de Triomphe, for instance, is owned by K99, a real estate and casino junket operator led by Rithy Raksmei, brother of the late tycoon Rithy Samnang. Samnang was also son-in-law to ruling party senator Kok An, whose business empire includes properties that have faced allegations of forced scam labor. And the complex in Chinatown has a hotel that is part-owned by Xu Aimin, a Chinese fugitive who was sentenced to 10 years in prison for masterminding an illicit international gambling ring. (None of these individuals or entities have been prosecuted for involvement in Cambodian scam compounds and none responded to ProPublica’s requests for comment.)

In July, the U.S. State Department downgraded Cambodia to the lowest tier on its annual assessment of how well countries are meeting standards for eliminating human trafficking. The department asserted that Cambodian authorities “did not investigate or hold criminally accountable any officials involved in the large majority of credible reports of complicity, in particular with unscrupulous business owners who subjected thousands of men, women, and children throughout the country to human trafficking in entertainment establishments, brick kilns, and online scam operations.” A United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Cambodia put it in searing terms in an August report: Workers trapped in Cambodian scam compounds are experiencing a “living hell.”

The day the U.N. report appeared, Cambodia’s government reversed months of denials and acknowledged that foreign nationals have been trafficked to the country to work in gambling and scam operations. Cambodian Interior Minister Sar Kheng condemned what he called “inhumane acts” and expressed regret. The statement came only days after a dramatic, widely seen video emerged of some 40 Vietnamese men and women breaking out of a reported fraud compound and, chased by baton-wielding men, frantically jumping into a river that divides Cambodia from Vietnam.

Cambodia’s senior official working to combat human trafficking, Chou Bun Eng, told ProPublica in a July interview that her government was still figuring out how to respond to scam sweatshops. “This is new for us,” she said. Top officials from Cambodian police, immigration and other government agencies met in Phnom Penh in late August to discuss a strategy. They pledged action, then almost immediately, the government’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation undercut that stance by releasing a statement in September asserting that human trafficking in Cambodia is “not as serious, bad as reported.”

Lacking any form of legally recognized status, escapees from scam compounds are left at the mercy of Cambodian police, who often treat them as illegal immigrants or criminals. Rescued people frequently end up in crowded immigration detention centers, sleeping on the floor in tight quarters without any air conditioning, according to images shared by a detainee.

The police have sometimes pursued the rescuers. Chen Baorong, the former head of a charity group that helped human trafficking victims escape, was arrested in February and charged with incitement. In late August, he was sentenced to two years in prison. Lu Xiangri, the volunteer rescuer, took up Chen’s mantle after his arrest, only to himself flee Cambodia in July out of concern for his safety. In response to questions from ProPublica, Cambodia’s General Commissariat of National Police wrote that ​​“it is not the government policy to collude with any criminal group or facilitate the use of Cambodian soil by criminals as a hotbed for fraudulent activities overseas.”

Lu in Sihanoukville in May, before he fled Cambodia (Cindy Liu for ProPublica)

The governments of China, Indonesia, Pakistan, Thailand and Vietnam have issued warnings in recent months about high-salary job offers emanating from Cambodia. Authorities in Taiwan and Hong Kong have gone so far as to station workers at airports to question people emigrating for work and to warn them about overseas employment scams. Still, even as the governments issue warnings about Cambodia, new operations are gravitating to places like Myanmar, where the violent aftermath of a military coup has created an opportunity for criminal syndicates to expand.

In the U.S., law enforcement and victims are trying, against long odds, to recapture lost money. In May, the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office seized $318,000 of stolen crypto funds on behalf of one pig butchering victim. Erin West, the deputy district attorney spearheading the effort, said her team has been able to seize an additional $233,000 since then and has a few more seizures in the works. Still, most funds aren’t recovered, and the chances drop rapidly as time passes.

Yuen is losing hope that he’ll recover his funds. At one point, he turned down an offer from a self-described hacker to introduce him to an FBI agent who would track down his stolen funds if Yuen paid him $5,000. Cautious, Yuen asked to see a photograph of the agent’s FBI identification. The badge looked authentic, as did the photo ID. But under the photograph, Yuen noticed the signature. It read “Fox Mulder,” the name of the fictional detective on “The X-Files.”

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Mech Dara and Danielle Keeton-Olsen contributed reporting from Cambodia, and Salina Li from Hong Kong.

by Cezary Podkul, with Cindy Liu for ProPublica

The Fight Against an Age-Old Effort to Block Americans From Voting

2 years 7 months ago

Sign up for ProPublica’s User’s Guide to Democracy, a series of personalized emails that help you understand the upcoming election, from who’s on your ballot to how to cast your vote.

This story was co-published with Gray TV/Investigate TV.

For nearly 10 hours on Georgia’s primary day, Olivia Coley-Pearson tracked down every potential voter she could find, working two cellphones as she paced the parking lot outside the polls, repeating the same message: “You need to tell all your cousins, your brothers, your sisters, your aunts, your uncles — everybody you know — to come on down here to vote.”

A third of her neighbors in Coffee County struggle to read at a basic level, and she wanted to make sure they had help navigating their ballots. In the late afternoon, she slid behind the sparkly pink steering wheel of her SUV for her final push of the day, heading down a long stretch of road where buildings gave way to fields and thickets of pine. She turned in to the Kinwood Estates mobile home park and stopped at the edge of a familiar dirt driveway just as Shondriana Jones, 30, bounded down the steps of a trailer.

“I can’t find my ID and Mama, she’s still at work,” Jones said.

Coley-Pearson has helped the family vote for years — she’s known them since she and Jones’ mother, Sabrina Fillmore, were young. Now 60, Coley-Pearson serves as a city commissioner in Douglas, the majority-Black county seat. Fillmore, 54, works at the local poultry plant cutting chickens. Neither Fillmore nor her daughter can read beyond a first-grade level, but they rarely miss an election, believing their votes can influence everything from their electricity costs to the way police treat them.

Coley-Pearson urged Jones to track down a utility bill to prove her identity at the election office just as Fillmore returned from a 10-hour shift, exhausted. With the women aboard, Coley-Pearson started the car, anxiety brewing in her mind.

Olivia Coley-Pearson (Joseph Ross, special to ProPublica)

Even though federal law guaranteed the two women the right to have someone help them vote, Coley-Pearson knew too well that this right was under attack. For all of the recent uproar over voting rights, little attention has been paid to one of the most sustained and brazen suppression campaigns in America: the effort to block help at the voting booth for people who struggle to read — a group that amounts to about 48 million Americans, or more than a fifth of the adult population. ProPublica analyzed the voter turnout in 3,000 counties and found that those with lower estimated literacy rates, on average, had lower turnout.

“How the system is set up, it disenfranchises people,” said Coley-Pearson, who blames Southern political leaders for throwing up hurdles. “It’s by design, I believe, because they want to maintain that power and that control.”

Conservative politicians have long used harsh tactics against voters who can’t read — poor, often Black and Latino Americans who have been failed by the U.S. education system and who conservatives feared would vote for liberal candidates. Some states have required voters who needed help to sign an affidavit explaining why they need assistance; some have prevented voters who couldn’t read from bringing sample ballots to the polls and limited the number of voters that a volunteer could help read a ballot. Time and again, federal courts have struck down such restrictions as illegal and unconstitutional. Inevitably, states just create more.

Over the last two years, the myth of election fraud, supercharged by former President Donald Trump in the wake of his 2020 loss, has fueled a barrage of new restrictions. While they do not all target voters who struggle to read, they make it especially challenging for voters with low literacy skills to get help casting ballots.

Last year, Georgia passed a law limiting who can return or even touch a completed absentee ballot. Florida expanded the radius around election locations in which volunteers are prohibited from asking people if they need help. Texas passed a law prohibiting voters’ assistants from answering questions or paraphrasing complicated language on the ballot; a federal judge struck down several sections of the law in June. But the court left other provisions in place, including ones that increase penalties for helping voters who don’t qualify and require people who assist voters to fill out more paperwork. Texas did not appeal the decision.

To appreciate the impact of voter suppression, consider that recent elections have been determined by a narrow sliver of the electorate:

Despite losing the popular vote, Trump secured the presidency in 2016 by winning Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan by a margin of just under 80,000 total votes.

President Joe Biden prevailed in 2020 by winning Arizona, Georgia and Wisconsin by just over 40,000 votes combined.

Coley-Pearson recognizes the importance of this moment for Georgia, which is no stranger to close elections. Republican Gov. Brian Kemp faces another challenge from Democrat Stacey Abrams, and Sen. Raphael Warnock is attempting to hold on to his seat in a race that could tip the Senate back to Republican control. But to Coley-Pearson, helping people vote isn’t only about politics or even just about their rights as individuals. It is about the future of democracy at a time when it seems like the views of the majority are being marginalized by the actions of the few.

The Gladys Coley resource center. Second image: A memorial plaque bearing the name of Gladys Coley. (Joseph Ross, special to ProPublica)

As a child in the 1970s, she’d watched as her mother, Gladys Coley — who stood just above 5 feet and had only an eighth grade education — rose to the helm of the local NAACP and challenged the discriminatory school system and police department. Her mother begged her not to return from college in Atlanta, but Coley-Pearson wanted to fight for the people of Coffee County, too. As she headed to the polls on primary day this past May, though, she couldn’t subdue her fear that by helping Jones and Fillmore, she was putting a target on her own back.

Over the course of several years, she’d become tangled in an investigation of supposed voter fraud, which took aim at her attempts to assist voters who requested help. She had pleaded her case to television cameras and at a hearing before the state’s highest election official. She had even wound up in jail.

“Intimidation is real,” Coley-Pearson said. “If we don’t continue to vote, they’re going to have us right back where it used to be.”

(Mauricio Rodríguez Pons/ProPublica)

Watch video ➜

Coley-Pearson was born in an era when Southern states forced convoluted literacy tests on voters to keep Black people out of the polls. In those days, local voting officials often made exceptions for white people who couldn’t read. In 1965, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act prohibiting racial discrimination at the polls. That didn’t stop white conservatives, especially in the South, from continuing to discriminate against voters with low literacy skills, who, due to centuries of oppression, were disproportionately Black.

An excerpt from a Louisiana voter literacy test that was in use around 1963. (Civil Rights Movement Archive)

Conservatives argued that removing barriers for voters who couldn’t read would allow the federal government to overrule states’ decisions on how to run local elections and would hand more votes to liberal candidates. Clearly, they said, voters with low reading skills would be easily swayed by anyone assisting them, leading to rampant fraud.

“Today the bureaucrats are issuing certificates to vote to people who cannot read the ballot nor even the instructions on a ballot or on a voting machine,” segregationist Alabama Gov. George Wallace declared in late 1965. “The left wing liberals need as many illiterates as they can get to vote in order to keep them in power.”

The Rev. Fred C. Bennette Jr., a civil rights movement organizer, right, instructs Black people in Atlanta how to fill out registration forms in 1963. (Horace Cort/AP Photo)

By 1981, voters of color, including those with low literacy levels, still faced “white resistance and hostility,” according to a U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report. “For many minority voters, the kind of assistance that they receive at the polls determines whether they will vote,” the report stated. “If minority voters who do not speak English or who are illiterate receive inadequate assistance, they may become too frustrated and discouraged to vote or they may mark their ballots in such a way that they will not be counted.”

Congress amended the Voting Rights Act in 1982 to affirm that voters who need help due to an “inability to read” could bring someone, other than their employer or union representative, to assist them in the voting booth. A string of subsequent lawsuits shows this federal action again failed to eradicate the discrimination.

In a 2001 case, the federal justice department claimed that white poll managers in Charleston County, South Carolina, were intimidating Black voters who requested assistance. According to testimony given in the case, the poll workers launched a barrage of questions at these voters, such as, “Can’t you read and write? And didn’t you just sign in? And you know how to spell your name, why can’t you just vote by yourself? And do you really need voter assistance?”

A federal judge found that there was “significant evidence of intimidation and harassment,” but said evidence of the mistreatment was too “anecdotal” to take direct action.

In 2012, the chairman of Coffee County’s board of elections filed a complaint against Coley-Pearson and three other residents, alleging that they’d assisted voters who didn’t legally qualify for help. Georgia law only allows voters to receive assistance if they are disabled or cannot read English. The secretary of state’s office, then under Kemp’s leadership, initiated an investigation.

Alvin Williams (Joseph Ross, special to ProPublica)

The following summer, a 52-year-old line cook named Alvin Williams answered his phone to find a state investigator on the other end. The man had questions about the 2012 election. “It looks like you were assisted by Olivia Pearson,” said state investigator Glenn Archie, in a recording obtained by ProPublica. (Archie did not respond to a request for comment.) “It’s not marked why she assisted you and I was wondering why you needed assistance.”

The tone of the man’s voice made Williams nervous. “Because I can’t read. I’m illiterate,” Williams told Archie. He’d dropped out of school at 16 to work full time catching chickens and selling them to the local poultry plant, a job he’d skipped classes for since he was 11 to help support his family.

“I’m sure she read the candidates to you,” Archie said. “Did you get to pick the people you wanted to vote for?”

“Yes, sir,” Williams said. “I can’t read. That’s why she was helping me.”

“That’s no problem,” the investigator assured him. “She can assist you if you have problems reading.”

But the call left Williams humiliated and fearful of how his vote could be used against him or Coley-Pearson. “I don’t fool with the law,” he said in a recent interview. “And I don’t do nothing for them to fool with me.”

Some other voters told investigators that they had requested and received help even though they could read. The investigation found that Coley-Pearson and the other volunteers neglected to verify whether some voters qualified for help and incorrectly filled out forms indicating why voters needed assistance. It also found that election workers failed to include required information on many forms and turned them in without making sure they were accurate.

Testifying at a 2016 hearing chaired by Kemp, Coley-Pearson maintained that she hadn’t broken any laws. In response to a poll worker’s claim that she’d touched the voting machine, Coley-Pearson said she’d merely accompanied voters who had requested her assistance and stood by to answer questions about the process or read names on the ballot. She said she followed the instructions of the poll workers, signing forms when directed.

“If someone asks me for help, I felt an obligation to try to assist if I could,” she testified at the hearing, stressing that she never told anyone who to vote for. Coley-Pearson suspected there was a deeper significance to the investigation and told the board, “Sometimes things are done to try to maybe dis-encourage, or whatever, other people from voting, and I don’t feel like that is fair.”

The state election board chose not to recommend her case for criminal prosecution, but a local district attorney’s office prosecuted her anyway, which made national headlines in BuzzFeed. It charged her with two felonies for improperly assisting a voter and for signing a form that gave a false reason for why a voter needed assistance. The trial ended with a hung jury. One of two Black people on the jury told a local reporter that she was the only holdout; everyone else voted to find Coley-Pearson guilty. She was tried again in a nearby county and, after about 20 minutes of deliberations, the new jury acquitted her of all charges. The district attorney’s office did not respond to ProPublica’s emailed questions.

Watch the Video On the day of Georgia’s primary elections in May, ProPublica followed Olivia Coley-Pearson to capture what it takes to ensure that voters who need help can get it. (Mauricio Rodriguez Pons/ProPublica and Zach Read for ProPublica)

Three other volunteers took plea deals in which they admitted to making false statements on forms indicating the reason that a voter needed assistance; in exchange, they got probation, after which any fines would be waived. One of them, James Curtis Hicks, said that if he had fought his case and lost, he could have faced jail time or a mountain of fines. He didn’t want to take any risks. “Around here, to me, they target the leaders, the people that are standing up for the rights of the minority,” he said in a recent interview. “To shut me and Ms. Pearson down, it would stop a whole lot of people going to the polls.”

For years, the 59-year-old truck driver had kept tabs on Coffee County voters to see if they needed help reading the ballot. But after the settlement, he stopped. “I didn’t want a focus on me to suppress anyone else,” he said. “I really felt intimidated.”

But the charges didn’t deter Coley-Pearson.

(Mauricio Rodríguez Pons/ProPublica)

Watch video ➜

Before Jones could vote that May afternoon, she needed to get temporary identification. Dodging the pouring rain, she and Coley-Pearson scuttled into the elections office shortly before it closed. At nearly 6 feet tall, Coley-Pearson towered over the woman sitting behind a plexiglass barrier.

“She needs a voter ID, sweetie,” Coley-Pearson said, leaning in. The woman handed Jones an application.

“You need me to do it, baby?” Coley-Pearson asked softly.

Jones nodded, “Yes, ma’am.”

The woman at the counter emphasized that Jones had to complete it on her own.

“She has trouble reading and writing,” Coley-Pearson said.

After a tense moment, the woman agreed that Coley-Pearson could fill out the form. She read the questions out loud and filled in Jones’ answers, pointing out which lines to sign and date.

Shondriana Jones (Joseph Ross, special to ProPublica)

Jones is in the third generation of her family that is not able to read. Her grandmother never learned how, and her mother, Fillmore, left high school in her sophomore year, after frequently being disciplined for fighting. As an adult, Fillmore briefly attended an education program to help her learn how to read, but she felt discouraged and left.

Jones graduated from high school in Coffee County but says she reads at the same first-grade level as her mother. She remembers attending special education classes with more field trips than written assignments and says teachers never diagnosed her with a learning disability or gave her one-on-one assistance. School administrators also frequently suspended her for fighting, she said. “They were trying to get rid of me.”

Coffee County has long failed to provide an equal education for students of color. In 1969, federal officials sued its school board for refusing to integrate white and Black schools. Even after the school system was integrated, Black students continued to receive fewer academic resources and harsher punishments than their white peers. A decade ago, the district acknowledged its shortcomings in reading instruction and the need to rectify its problems with literacy, which were more pronounced for Black students.

The county’s lower literacy rate is related to its high poverty rate, and since integration, the district has worked to increase opportunities for students of color, Coffee County School District Superintendent Morris Leis said in an email; he added that the district does not use discipline to “push out” children who have academic challenges, and it has reduced racial disparities in discipline after it initiated a new program in 2014. By that time, Jones had graduated.

She aspires to learn how to read through an adult education program and to eventually work at a child care center, but she cannot do so without steady transportation. She has not applied for a driver’s license; though she could take the written test orally like her mother did, she hasn’t been able to find someone who has time to help her study the examination booklet.

Ordinary tasks are often insurmountable for her. She owns a smartphone, but mining the web for information is daunting. After she fell several months behind on her electric payments, she could not read the notice that warned her lights would be cut off. She likely qualifies for low-cost internet, but she cannot navigate the instructions for accessing it. When she takes her son to the doctor’s office, she prints his first and last name on the forms but asks the staff for help with the rest. Unable to decipher her most valuable documents, like her birth certificate, she entrusts them to her aunt, who can read and helps determine what she needs for appointments and applications.

Jones worries most about keeping up with her 4-year-old son as he grows. She can read beginner books to him, but she knows his knowledge will soon surpass her own.

For Jones, the voting process itself is like a literacy test. If she changes her address, she cannot easily update her registration. If she enters the polling booth alone, she may recognize a few names on the ballot, but any unfamiliar words could confound her, particularly when it comes to the often-confusing constitutional amendments. She prefers voting by mail, which allows her more time to process her choices, but Georgia’s new election law is making that more difficult. The law has banned outside groups from mailing out absentee ballot applications that have the resident’s information already filled in, and it has limited who can submit the applications on voters’ behalf. The law does include exceptions for people helping “illiterate” voters, but experts say its limit on assistance could still discourage those voters from requesting help.

“Any law that limits assistance is going to have an impact on voters with limited literacy,” said Sean Morales-Doyle, acting director of voting rights at the Brennan Center for Justice. “Whether or not that’s the intention of the lawmakers, that’s always a difficult thing to say. But I do think sometimes it may very well be the intention.”

It is impossible to say precisely what role literacy plays in voter turnout. There are many other factors that contribute to lower participation, including some closely intertwined with literacy, such as income and education level. But to put the importance of reading ability in perspective, ProPublica analyzed data on turnout from the three most recent national elections and compared it to average estimated literacy levels for over 3,000 counties. (Read more about our analysis, and the data used, in our methodology. Watch Investigate TV’s segment about this story.) Our analysis found that if low-literacy counties had turnout similar to high-literacy counties, they could have added up to about 7 million votes to the national total for each of those three elections.

Across the country, people like Jones are stumbling through inscrutable election processes fraught with poor ballot design and rigid registration rules. Some are choosing not to vote at all. (Read more about how some states are trying to make voting more accessible.) “We know in general that the more barriers we put in front of people, the lower the participation rate,” said Donald Moynihan, a professor of public policy at Georgetown University. “Even if someone with lower literacy has the same desire to vote as someone reading this article, they have to overcome more barriers.”

In 2014, for example, Ohio legislators began requiring voters to fill out more complicated versions of absentee and provisional ballot forms while at the same time limiting the assistance they could get from poll workers. Minor errors in the paperwork could lead to people’s votes not being counted. In a lawsuit, the Northeast Ohio Coalition for the Homeless claimed that the laws disproportionately harmed poor, nonwhite and low-literacy voters who would be more likely to have their ballots rejected for minor errors.

Data submitted as evidence shows that thousands of forms were tossed in the 2014 and 2015 general elections for simple problems such as incomplete addresses and birthdays. Poll workers refused one form because the street name “Cuthbert” was misspelled as “Cuthberth.” Several others were rejected because birth dates were listed as the current date, an indicator that voters may not have understood the instructions.

In 2016, a federal judge struck down the measures, concluding they disproportionately harmed Black voters. The 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed that state rules requiring perfect completion of absentee ballot forms posed an undue burden to voters. But the panel said the other measures were minimally disruptive and left in place regulations that limited the assistance voters could get from poll workers and the amount of time voters were given to correct errors on absentee and provisional ballots.

“What the case demonstrates is the indifference of officials from one political party, and of unfortunately many federal judges, to voting rights and to the need to make voting not only secure, but relatively unburdensome,” said Subodh Chandra, an attorney for the plaintiffs.

A similar law in Georgia suspended voter registration applications when the information on the form didn’t exactly match a driver’s license or social security record. (If voters didn’t correct the information within 26 months, Georgia could cancel their registrations.) When then-Secretary of State Kemp ran for governor against Stacey Abrams in 2018, his office suspended the applications of an estimated 53,000 voters, most of them Black, due to these discrepancies. Kemp won the election by about 55,000 votes.

A federal judge ordered Georgia to ease the restrictive program, calling it a “severe burden” on some voters. Politicians, academics and advocates have accused Kemp of voter suppression not only for suspending registration applications over minor discrepancies, but also for purging tens of thousands of infrequent voters from the rolls — a more aggressive effort than is made in other states.

Kemp press secretary Katie Bryd disputed the allegations and noted that Kemp had implemented automatic voter registration through the state’s department of motor vehicles in 2016, which added hundreds of thousands of eligible voters to the rolls. “Politically driven, irresponsible accusations of voter suppression alleged at Governor Kemp have been repeatedly found void of basic facts and validity,” Byrd said in an email.

Today, voters flagged for minor discrepancies in their registration paperwork can no longer be removed from the rolls, but they do have to show a photo identification before they vote.

(Zach Read for ProPublica)

Watch video ➜

As Coley-Pearson parked at the polling station, her thoughts flew back to a similar day not long ago when she wound up handcuffed in the back of a police cruiser.

In October 2020 — more than two years after she was cleared of the felony charges — she was standing in a voting booth helping a young woman with low literacy skills read a ballot, as is allowed by law, when the county’s election supervisor, Misty Martin, confronted her. Martin yelled at Coley-Pearson to not touch the machines and told her she was barred from returning to the polls. Coley-Pearson said she wasn’t touching any machines. “We’re done,” she told the young woman after she finished voting. “Let’s go.”

Martin, who also has used the last names Hampton and Hayes, called the police to report that Coley-Pearson was disruptive, and the department issued a trespass warning barring her from the polls indefinitely. Later that morning, when Coley-Pearson returned to drop off another voter, she was arrested in the parking lot and charged with criminal trespassing. The Georgia Bureau of Investigation is looking into election interference claims in Coffee County, including an incident in which Martin allowed several computer experts connected with Trump’s efforts to challenge the 2020 results into her offices, where they may have had access to election systems; Martin resigned from her county post under pressure last year. She did not respond to ProPublica’s questions related to either incident.

The charge hung over Coley-Pearson for nearly two years; this past June, a state judge agreed to drop the case if she signed a consent order agreeing to follow election law. “There was no evidence of any crime here,” Coley-Pearson said. “It feels like you’re fighting a losing battle.”

Her daughters see how the last several years have worn her down. AiyEsha Coley said she would sometimes wake up at 4 a.m. to feed her newborn and would find her mother on Facebook, reading through disparaging comments. Her daughters have long campaigned for her to retire from city commission, scared that the stress might eventually kill her. She’s starting to come around, and she plans to leave her post next year.

Now peering into her back seat, Coley-Pearson worried her presence could interfere with Jones and Fillmore’s ability to vote. “I did not want any type of confrontation, I did not want any kind of accusations, I just didn’t want any hassle,” she said.

She told them she would not be going in with them and instructed two close friends to help them instead. “When you get through, you all come down there to the tent,” she said, motioning to where her volunteers were sitting out of reach of the rain.

Coley-Pearson watched the women shuffle into the building and fretted as she waited, leaning on her mobile walker at the edge of the parking lot with a group of volunteer canvassers. She had reminded her friends of the rules, but she knew that sometimes, following them was not enough. “They might try to look for anything they could use against them,” she said.

After nearly an hour, Jones and her mother emerged, beaming.

Coley-Pearson’s nerves settled, at least for the moment.

One in Five Americans Struggles to Read. We Want to Understand Why.

by Aliyya Swaby and Annie Waldman

How to Vote: A Quick and Easy Guide

2 years 7 months ago

ProPublica is a group of reporters.

We do not tell you who or what to vote for.

We want to give you information.

Voting is a right.

You do not have to prove you can read or write to vote.

The law says you can get help with voting if you have a disability or cannot read.

We wrote a story about how some states make it hard for people to vote.

You can watch a video about our story.

We hope this guide helps you vote.

You can call the Election Protection hotline if you need help voting.

  • English speakers: Call or text 866-687-8683.
  • Spanish speakers: Call 888-839-8682.
  • Bengali, Cantonese, Hindi, Urdu, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog or Vietnamese speakers: Call 888-274-8683.
  • Arabic speakers: Call 844-925-5287.

The Election Protection hotline will not tell you who to vote for.

Election day is November 8.

You do not have to vote on everything.

You can just vote for what matters to you.

Can I vote?

You need to be 18 years old or older.

You need to be a citizen of the United States.

You do not need to speak English.

You do not need to know how to read.

You must sign up to vote.

You may not be able to vote if a judge convicted you of a crime.

People with intellectual disabilities can vote in most states.

You may not be able to vote if you have a guardian.

In most states, only a judge can tell you that you cannot vote because of a disability.

You can get help to protect your voting rights.

How do I sign up to vote?

You have to register to vote. To register means to sign up.

Can I vote through the mail?

You can vote through the mail if you have a disability.

Many states let all people vote through the mail.

You need to tell your state ahead of time if you want to vote through the mail.

Where do I go to vote in person?

An ID is a card or piece of paper that proves who you are. Some examples are:

  • Driver’s license.
  • Passport.
  • Birth certificate.

Can I have someone help me vote?

The Voting Rights Act is a law.

It says some people can get help with voting.

You can have help with voting if you have a disability.

You can have help with voting if you cannot read.

You can have help with voting if you cannot write.

Who can help me?

You can ask almost anyone to help you.

These people can help you vote:

  • Your child.
  • A family member.
  • A friend.
  • A person working at your polling place.

These people cannot help you vote:

  • Your boss.
  • Your union representative.

How can they help me?

They can read you the ballot. The ballot lists all the people and issues you can vote for.

They can answer questions you have about voting.

They cannot tell you who to vote for.

They cannot look at your ballot unless you ask them to.

What if I do not speak or read English?

Some places have ballots in languages other than English.

They may have workers who speak languages other than English.

You can bring someone to help you translate.

If you cannot find someone to help you, call the Election Protection hotline.

What if someone tells me I can’t vote or can’t get help?

Call the Election Protection hotline if you have any problems voting.

  • English speakers: Call or text 866-687-8683.
  • Spanish speakers: Call 888-839-8682.
  • Cantonese, Hindi, Urdu, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog or Vietnamese speakers: Call 888-274-8683.
  • Arabic speakers: Call 844-925-5287.

Some workers may not know that you are allowed to have someone help you vote.

Tell them the Voting Rights Act says you can have help.

It is a crime for someone to intimidate you.

Intimidate means they say or do things that scare you to try to stop you from voting.

We want to know if you have problems voting.

You can leave a message for ProPublica at 212-379-5781.

How do I vote in person?

You may have to wait in line to vote.

Your polling place may close while you wait in line.

If you are in line, you can vote after your polling place closes.

Let the workers know if you brought someone to help you.

The workers may ask you to sign a form.

The form says you need help to vote.

You can ask a worker to help you vote.

Some polling places use voting machines.

Some machines will read your ballot to you.

You push buttons to vote.

Ask a worker about this type of voting machine if you need one.

How do I turn in my mailed ballot?

Your ballot says how to turn it in.

You can have someone else turn in your ballot for you in most places.

Some states do not let other people turn in your ballot for you.

Find out if your state lets other people turn in your ballot.

Call the Election Protection hotline for help.

Sign up to learn how to become a more informed, more engaged citizen with ProPublica’s User’s Guide to Democracy.

You can sign up to get emails with more information about the election.

Asia Fields is an engagement reporter at ProPublica. She wrote this guide. You can send her feedback to literacy@propublica.org.

Rebecca Monteleone translated this story to make it easier to read.

Noah Jodice created the drawings in this story.

by Asia Fields

How We Analyzed Literacy and Voter Turnout

2 years 7 months ago

Sign up for ProPublica’s User’s Guide to Democracy, a series of personalized emails that help you understand the upcoming election, from who’s on your ballot to how to cast your vote.

This story was co-published with Gray TV/Investigate TV.

One in five Americans struggles to read English at a basic level, and without the necessary reading and writing skills, everyday tasks can be insurmountable. The routine challenges of low literacy take a toll on individual livelihoods as well as this country’s collective democracy. For people who struggle to read, the electoral process can become its own form of literacy test — creating impenetrable barriers at every step, from registration to casting a ballot.

Our reporting has found that helping people with low literacy skills to read their ballots at the polls enables them to understand what and who they are voting for and ensures that their votes are counted. But decades of voter suppression — particularly in the South — have made this kind of assistance difficult to access in many communities.

We wanted to better understand the relationship between literacy and voter turnout. For decades, academic and political researchers have studied the factors that influence voter participation, including the impact of educational attainment on whether people vote. But literacy skills are less commonly featured in elections research. There are few reliable databases documenting literacy rates in the United States. But in recent years, the National Center for Education Statistics has released more granular information on literacy levels, including estimates of reading skills at the county level. Using this data, we can ask more pointed questions about how literacy skills correlate with voter participation.

Data Sources

To understand voter participation rates across the country, we acquired county-level turnout data for the 2018 midterm election and the 2016 and 2020 general elections from Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Elections. The election data comprises vote counts for more than 3,100 counties across the country. We compared the raw county vote totals with the citizen voting-age population in each county, drawn from U.S. Census Bureau estimates, for each election year. The citizen voting-age population includes all people 18 and older who are native or naturalized citizens, and the number is frequently used as a base figure in turnout calculations.

Some researchers prefer to use a different number as their denominator — the voting-eligible population, which is adjusted to remove those disenfranchised due to felony convictions, and sometimes also those ruled ineligible due to a mental disability. We chose to use a broader denominator so we could include all people who potentially could cast ballots if felony voting restrictions were lifted. Another requirement for voting in the United States is registration: All states, except for North Dakota, require eligible voters to officially register before they vote. We chose not to limit our analysis to registered voters, as the registration process can function as a major barrier for people with low literacy levels. We did not include U.S. territories, Puerto Rico or Alaska in our analysis, due to incomplete or unavailable data.

To understand variations in literacy levels across the country, we used modeled survey data from the National Center for Education Statistics, which was collected as part of the Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), also known as the Survey of Adult Skills. The data includes state and county estimates of average literacy levels and is based on the results of surveys collected in 2012, 2014 and 2017. The survey assesses adults for a range of skills, including reading ability and comprehension, numeracy and digital problem-solving. It represents the most comprehensive picture of the nation’s literacy levels today. The county and state literacy estimates are produced using a statistical method called small area estimation, which, in addition to the survey results, incorporates additional covariate data, such as educational attainment and poverty figures, to allow for a better extrapolation of survey data to low-population areas.

There are limitations to using modeled, survey-based estimates to understand larger national trends. More reliable data could be derived from a survey that examined both literacy and voter participation or from a more comprehensive survey that doesn’t require external data points to bolster responses. At this time, those surveys do not exist, so the PIAAC data remains the best option for understanding variations in nationwide literacy rates. This data has regularly been used by both federal researchers and academics.

For our analysis, we compared counties with low estimated literacy rates to those where literacy was estimated to be proficient or better. We defined proficiency or nearing proficiency as people who, according to the National Center for Education Statistics, have, at a minimum, the skills to complete reading and writing tasks, such as comparing and contrasting information, paraphrasing and drawing low-level inferences. People with low literacy skills may be able to read a basic vocabulary and decipher short texts, but their reading comprehension abilities are severely limited. The National Center for Education Statistics defined adults with low literacy skills as those who tested at or below the lowest proficiency level of the national survey, or those who were unable to participate in the survey because of cognitive, physical or language barriers.

About 80% of American adults were assessed as proficient or nearing proficiency in reading, and 20% had difficulty completing literacy tasks, according to the national survey. While adults born outside the country are disproportionately represented among the lowest-skilled levels, two-thirds of adults with low reading skills were born in the United States. White and Hispanic adults constitute 70% of adults with low literacy, and Black adults were overrepresented, making up 23% of adults with low literacy while accounting for less than 13% of the total population.

Top-line Findings

If more people who live in counties with low literacy voted, especially in tight races, it could potentially sway the outcome of elections. Our analysis found that as the literacy rates in a county decline, voter participation also tends to decrease.

We plotted county-level voter turnout against the percentage of residents in each county with low estimated literacy levels, and again against the share with high estimated literacy levels, and we found inverse relationships between the two literacy groups. For the purposes of our calculations, the low literacy level was defined as the population that is at or below Level 1 in indirect literacy estimates, and high estimated literacy levels were defined as Level 3 or above. As the percentage of people with low literacy in each county increases, voter turnout tends to decrease (2016: r = -0.57, p < 0.0001; 2018: r = -0.57, p < 0.0001; 2020: r = -0.58, p < 0.0001). Conversely, as the percentage of people with higher literacy skills goes up, voter turnout increases (2016: r = 0.60, p < 0.0001; 2018: r = 0.60, p < 0.0001; 2020: r = 0.61, p < 0.0001 ). This trend appeared consistently for all three election years we analyzed: 2016, 2018 and 2020. The relationship between voter turnout and literacy levels does not appear to be a random pattern.

Counties With Lower Literacy Levels Often See Lower Voter Turnout Source: Literacy estimate data from the National Center for Education Statistics; election data from Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Elections (2016 presidential election data) and the U.S. Census Bureau (Citizen Voting-Age Population Estimate, 2016). Note: The low literacy level used in county literacy calculations is defined as the population that is at or below Level 1 in indirect literacy estimates, according to the National Center for Education Statistics. Voter turnout is defined as the total number of votes in each election divided by the citizen voting-age population. (Graphic by Annie Waldman)

However, as the saying goes, correlation is not causation. While our analysis shows a valid pattern, our findings do not suggest that lower literacy rates cause lower turnout, or that higher literacy rates increase voter participation. We also do not know whether the adults who are not voting are the same adults as those with low literacy skills.

That said, there’s a robust body of research connecting educational attainment to voter turnout: “A person’s level of formal educational attainment is a very strong predictor of whether they vote in elections, especially nonpresidential elections,” said Barry Burden, a professor and the director of the Elections Research Center at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.

Recent data from the federal Current Population Survey supports this long-standing trend. Data on educational attainment and voter turnout from the 2020 Voting and Registration Supplement shows that among Americans with less than a high school diploma or its equivalent, the percentage who reported that they voted is similar to the share who said they didn’t vote. But with each additional level of educational attainment, the percentage of people reporting that they voted increases. For Americans with only a high school diploma who have not attended college, the percentage who said they voted was twice as big as the share saying they did not vote. For adults with only a bachelor’s degree, the group who said they’d voted was about nine times the size of the group that reported that they did not vote. And for adults with a master’s degree, about 17 times as many people reported voting as not voting. Given the deep link between education and turnout, the notion that literacy might have a similar connection is not unreasonable.

Some of the most consequential elections of our time have been determined by narrow margins — just tens of thousands of votes in a country of hundreds of millions of people. For example, in 2016, Donald Trump secured the presidency by winning Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan with a total margin of just under 80,000 votes. In 2018, Ron DeSantis won Florida’s gubernatorial election by about 32,000 votes. And in 2020, President Joe Biden prevailed by winning Arizona, Georgia and Wisconsin by about 40,000 votes combined.

Given how relatively few people can swing an election, we wanted to consider what the impact might be of people with low literacy skills staying away from the polls. We clustered counties across the country by average literacy level, producing three equal groups of about 1,030 counties each, and calculated average turnout for low-, medium- and high-literacy counties. For example, in 2020, across the United States, counties with low literacy levels had an average voter turnout of 58.8%, and those with high literacy levels had turnout of 73.1% on average. We then applied the participation rate of high-literacy counties (73.1%) to the total population of low-literacy counties to estimate how many votes those counties might be “missing.” We found that if counties with lower literacy levels had similar participation rates to high-literacy areas, turnout could increase by up to 7 million votes nationally. Of course, we cannot predict or assume for whom any additional votes would be cast.

Caveats

The purpose of this analysis was to gain a better sense of the relationship between turnout and literacy, rather than conduct a causal or inferential analysis. There are several limitations that could affect our understanding.

For our analysis, we relied on county-level data, and as it represents groups (i.e. counties) rather than individuals, we cannot be certain that the low-literacy people in each county were the same individuals who were not voting. Thus, one reason for the correlation between literacy and turnout could be that literacy is acting as a proxy for other factors that influence participation, like lower levels of income or a lack of social capital.

While literacy may impact voter participation, there are many other reasons why some parts of the country may cast fewer ballots. People do not vote for a number of reasons, including difficulty getting time off from work and limited options for transportation to the polls. Some people may not have much interaction with voter mobilization groups and others may feel disengaged from politics. And barriers in the process, like states disenfranchising people with felony convictions, may also impede voter participation. Some of these factors may also be influenced by an individual’s ability to read.

An important limitation of the Current Population Survey is that it relies on self-reporting, and individuals’ responses about whether they voted have not been verified against official voting records. Thus, the data is susceptible to misreporting. Some research has shown that higher socioeconomic or educational attainment levels may be associated with higher misreporting, which could affect the results.

Election participation is often influenced by local policies, and the correlation between literacy and voter turnout varies by state. While the majority of states exhibit moderate to strong relationships between voter participation and literacy, in a handful of states, there are weaker connections, which presents an intriguing path for a more comprehensive future analysis. There may be state-by-state differences in voting accessibility or ballot complexity that may also have varying effects on turnout.

In addition, the literacy data has limitations. As mentioned above, the National Center for Education Statistics developed a predictive model based on the results from its skills survey and a handful of auxiliary data points from the census, used to bolster the model’s predictive precision. These data points include, but are not limited to, high school diploma rates, poverty levels, racial breakdowns, health insurance coverage and fraction of the population working service jobs. These variables might confound the literacy variable’s relationship with turnout, possibly boosting the correlation.

The literacy data for counties with fewer residents may also have greater uncertainty than the data for more populous counties. These small counties may affect the results of the analysis, particularly in analyses done at the state level in states that have numerous small counties. These small counties, with fewer than 1,500 people, represent about 2% of all 3,100 counties in the data set. To assess their influence, we resampled the data, randomly drawing new estimates for each county, and reran the analysis 1,000 times. The findings did not significantly change.

One in Five Americans Struggles to Read. We Want to Understand Why.

by Annie Waldman and Aliyya Swaby

How to Fix America’s Confusing Voting System

2 years 7 months ago

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This story was co-published with Gray TV/Investigate TV.

Faye Combs used to enter the voting booth with trepidation. Unable to read until she was in her 40s, she would struggle to decipher the words on the ballot, intimidated by how quickly the people around her finished and departed. “When the election was over, I didn’t even realize what I had voted for because it was just so much reading,” she said.

Combs’ feelings of insecurity and disorientation when faced with a ballot are not unusual. Voters with low literacy skills are more likely to take what they read literally and act on each word, sometimes without considering context, literacy experts say. Distractions can more easily derail them, causing them to stop reading too soon.

“I’ve seen people try to read [the ballot] left to right and end up skipping entire contests,” said Kathryn Summers, a University of Baltimore professor who has spent decades studying how information can be made more accessible. She has found that voters who struggle to read are also more likely to make mistakes on their registration applications, such as writing their birth date incorrectly or forgetting to fill in the check box that indicates they are a citizen, either of which could lead to their vote being rejected.

As a ProPublica investigation found, today’s election system remains a modern-day literacy test — a convoluted obstacle course for people who struggle to read. Though many people may require assistance with registration or at the ballot box, some counties and states have made it more challenging to secure help.

Experts say that redesigning both the registration and election processes to be more accessible will allow more people to vote without assistance and participate more robustly in democracy. Ballots and forms should be simply written and logically laid out, jargon should be stripped from instructions and ballot amendments and, if possible, new forms should be tested on a diverse group of constituents.

Such reforms can be expensive and time-consuming, which stops some states and municipalities from taking on the task, said Dana Chisnell, who co-founded the nonprofit Center for Civic Design to help states and counties develop accessible voter materials. “They may have old voting systems that they’re holding together with duct tape and baling twine because they can’t afford to replace them or there were other priorities in the county,” she said.

But numerous examples show that when such changes are made, more votes get counted. “If we make it better for people with low literacy, it will actually be better for everyone,” Summers said.

Improving Ballot Design

As ProPublica has written, bad ballot design can sabotage up to hundreds of thousands of votes each election year. After the confusing butterfly ballot infamously wreaked havoc in the 2000 presidential election in Florida, the federal government increased its oversight and regulation of local election administration, including by issuing voluntary guidelines for how ballots and election materials should look. But states and counties continue to wind up with miscast or uncast votes as a result of design failures.

In 2018, for example, Florida’s Broward County used a ballot where the names of Senate candidates were listed at the bottom of a column, under a long list of instructions.

In most of the state, where other ballot designs were used, the Senate race drew about the same number of votes as the governor’s race. But in Broward County, a Democratic stronghold, fewer people voted for Senate than for governor, which was the race listed at the top of the second column. It’s likely that many people simply missed the Senate race at the bottom of the page. This discrepancy amounted to around 25,000 votes that were never cast. Republican Rick Scott won the race by about 10,000 votes.

Improving design has resulted in fewer skipped races and rejected ballots. The Center for Civic Design has created free online guides for designing accessible forms, which are intended to help local election officials short on resources.

If the essence of democracy is making sure that everyone who is eligible can vote, the election process should lean toward inclusion and accessibility, said Whitney Quesenbery, co-founder and executive director of the center. “Someone who has decided to vote ought to have a fair shot at getting their ballot counted,” she said. “The way you make sure that it gets honored is by telling people what they have to do in a clear way.”

Accessibility experts like Quesenbery say that these changes can improve the voting process for everyone, but especially for voters with limited reading abilities.

In 2010, New York voters got confusing messages if they accidentally overvoted — that is, voted for too many candidates — using machines made by two companies, Election Systems and Software and Dominion. The electronic screen on ES&S machines featured a red button saying “Don’t Cast — Return Ballot” and a green button saying “Accept.” Similarly, the Dominion machines featured a red button labeled “Return” and a green button labeled “Cast.” It was unclear which button would actually allow voters to fix the problem and many pressed the green button, which submitted their incorrectly filled-out ballot and meant that their vote was not counted at all.

As a result of a lawsuit that the Brennan Center for Justice and other groups filed against New York election officials, ES&S changed the messages on its buttons before the 2012 election, but Dominion did not get final permission for similar changes in time. The new buttons on ES&S machines gave voters the option to either “correct your ballot” or “cast your ballot with mistakes” — a much easier choice to understand than the previous options. That election year, rates of overvoting declined on both machines, but ES&S machines saw twice as big a drop as Dominion machines.

ES&S spokesperson Katina Granger said the accessibility changes for that election show “the need to continually obtain real world feedback from both customers and usability experts.” Dominion did not respond to ProPublica’s emailed questions.

ES&S changed its message to be less confusing for voters who accidentally selected too many candidates. (Brennan Center for Justice)

In advance of the 2014 election, Florida’s Escambia County redesigned its absentee ballot forms to format instructions as a checklist on the outside of the envelope, add simple illustrations and place a colored highlight over the spot where voters were supposed to sign. Many states, including Florida, require absentee ballots to be rejected if a signature is missing or doesn’t match other records. The new design’s emphasis on providing a signature reduced the share of ballots that were missing a signature by 42% between 2014 and 2016, and reduced by 53% the share of ballots that were rejected even after voters were offered a chance to add their signatures.

The new ballot envelope being used in Florida’s Escambia County prompts voters to include a signature and date. (Center for Civic Design)

Similarly, New York redesigned its statewide absentee ballot template in 2020. The number of rejected absentee ballots in New York City decreased from around 22% in that year’s primary to just 4% by the general election.

New York’s newly redesigned ballot envelope more clearly marks where voters should sign. (Gotham Gazette) Fixing Voter Registration

Many states have redesigned their voter registration forms, making the very first step in the election process more accessible for voters with low literacy skills. In 2015, when Pennsylvania launched online voter registration for the first time, state elections officials worked with the Center for Civic Design to test early versions with residents of the state. Their input helped officials design final versions of both online and paper forms with simplified language and minimal text on the page. The sections on the paper application are more clearly defined, with the instructions on the left and the voter tasks on the right. Pennsylvania noticed a decrease in rejected voter registration forms since the launch of the new forms, according to Department of State spokesperson Grace Griffaton, but could not separate the effect of the simpler design from the launch of online registration.

Pennsylvania’s newly redesigned paper application features simpler language and minimal text on the page, compared to the previous version. (Pennsylvania Department of State)

States like Colorado, Vermont and New York have created similar designs.

This year, Vermont debuted its new online registration form, completed with assistance from the Center for Civic Design, according to Secretary of State Jim Condos. Election workers had struggled to read voters’ handwriting on the previous form, which featured cramped spaces where residents had to fill in their information. The new form is much easier to fill out and read. “It’s really about making sure the language is simple enough but to the point,” Condos said.

Vermont updated its voter registration form to include simpler language and more room for voters to write in. (Vermont Secretary of State) Learning From Other Countries

The United States has some of the lowest voter registration and turnout rates among its international peers. It also stands out for its relatively burdensome voting process. Many experts believe these two things are related.

Other industrialized countries with comparable or even lower literacy rates to the United States tend to have higher levels of voter turnout. One simple reason for their increased participation is that they make it easier to vote. Most of them have some form of compulsory or automatic voter registration in place, according to research from the Pew Research Center and the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network. Countries allow citizens to vote on Election Day without having to actively sign up beforehand, or they automatically register citizens who interact with government organizations, like motor vehicle departments or social service agencies. Other countries, like Australia, have gone further and made voting mandatory, and citizens who do not cast ballots may be subject to penalties.

Turnout Is Lower in the U.S. Than in Other Countries With Similar Literacy Scores The voting rate was calculated as the average turnout as a percentage of the voting-age population in each country’s two most recent presidential or parliamentary elections. Voting data was obtained from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the U.S. Census Bureau and Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Elections. Literacy data obtained from OECD Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies. Data was not available for all countries. (Lucas Waldron, ProPublica) Turnout Is Lower in the U.S. Than in Other Countries With Similar Literacy Scores The voting rate was calculated as the average turnout as a percentage of the voting-age population in each country’s two most recent presidential or parliamentary elections. Voting data was obtained from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the U.S. Census Bureau and Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Elections. Literacy data obtained from OECD Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies. Data was not available for all countries. (Lucas Waldron, ProPublica)

In nations with automatic registration programs in place, the percentage of people who are signed up to vote is substantially higher than in the United States, where only 67% of the voting-age population is registered. By comparison, in Canada, 93% of the voting-age population is registered to vote, and similarly, that number is 94% in Sweden and 99% in Slovakia, according to Pew. In the United Kingdom, where government officials seek out voters every year through nationwide canvassing, the registration rate is 92%.

Barry Burden, a professor and the director of the Elections Research Center at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, believes that in the United States, the registration step “is probably more of a deterrent to voter participation than we realize,” he said. “It’s a little challenging for most voters, but if a person doesn’t have the literacy skills or language skills to navigate that bureaucratic process, it could be a deterrent to even getting registered or getting a ballot in the first place.”

The United States is starting to shift its registration policies. Some states have initiated automatic voter registration programs, which use information from other government agencies to complete registration electronically unless people opt out. Since 2015, at least 15 states and Washington, D.C., have launched automatic registration programs, and the impact has been extraordinary — with new systems in place, registrations increased by 16% in Oregon, 27% in California and 94% in Georgia.

Allowing people to register on the same day they vote could increase participation, too. Voters who made errors earlier in the process would have another opportunity to register or fill out their ballots alongside election officials who could ensure their accuracy. As of 2012, states with same-day registration had, on average, 10% higher turnout than states without, according to the Center for American Progress.

Empowering Voters

Combs, who is now 78, no longer feels intimidated in the voting booth. She understands that there are many people like her, who have figured out ways to navigate the world without being able to read well enough to handle routine civic duties like voting.

At the age of 7, Combs was sexually abused by a stranger, a trauma that shadowed her childhood, she said, making it harder for her to remember the lessons she had learned in school. She pressured classmates for the answers to homework and exams, and her teachers passed her on from grade to grade. When she graduated from high school in Bakersfield, California, she said, she left with the secret that she couldn’t read. She was too ashamed to tell her husband until seven years into their marriage. She often brought him into the polling booth because she didn’t even know where to sign her name on the election forms.

Working as a manager of Berkeley’s Meals on Wheels program, Combs thought she was hiding her inability to read from her coworkers — until one day her secretary left a flyer on her desk about a local literacy program. She began learning with a tutor, strengthening both her ability to read and her desire to be more politically engaged. Since then, Combs has made it her mission to empower people to learn how to read and participate in democracy.

She now works with the Key to Community Project, which guides struggling readers through the voting process, helping them develop skills to research candidates and understand how elections work. The nonpartisan project, led by people who learned to read as adults, is an extension of California Library Literacy Services, the country’s first statewide library-based literacy program. Literacy advocates argue that states should contribute more to adult education in order to increase workforce skills and democratic participation. Combs counsels participants in the California program not to worry about taking as much time as they need to understand the ballot.

“I know what the shame is, but you have to move beyond that shame,” Combs said. “That attitude about ‘My vote doesn’t count’ needs to be banished.”

One in Five Americans Struggles to Read. We Want to Understand Why.

Asia Fields contributed reporting.

by Aliyya Swaby and Annie Waldman

Actions of Deputy Who Dragged Woman by Her Hair Deemed “Reasonable and Acceptable”

2 years 7 months ago

This article was originally appeared in The Times-Picayune | The Advocate, a member of ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

The Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s Office has determined that the actions of a deputy captured on video last year, in which he grabbed a woman by the hair and slammed her to the ground, were “both reasonable and acceptable.”

The incident involved JPSO Deputy Julio Alvarado, a 17-year veteran, and Shantel Arnold, 34, a Black woman who is under 5 feet tall. It drew national attention after the brief video clip was covered by ProPublica, WWNO and The Times-Picayune | The Advocate.

State Sen. Gary Carter, a Democrat from New Orleans who is representing Arnold, said in a statement that the incident reflects the JPSO’s “well-documented history” of using excessive force against people of color. Carter, who said he is filing a federal civil rights lawsuit on Arnold’s behalf in the next few days, called on Sheriff Joe Lopinto to take stronger action.

“My hope is that Sheriff Lopinto sees Shantel Arnold’s federal complaint as an opportunity to turn the page on the dark history of the Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s Office,” Carter said, “and implement policies and procedures meant to protect all the people of Jefferson Parish, including women, African-Americans, and people of color, like Shantel Arnold.”

Lopinto, in an interview, strongly defended his handling of the case.

The incident occured after the deputy responded to reports of a street fight in River Ridge. Lopinto asserted that Arnold admitted “she pulled away” when Alvarado sought to detain her, and that resistance justifies the deputy’s actions. Arnold previously told investigators that she told the deputy she had just been assaulted, and then continued walking.

Deputy Julio Alvarado (The Times-Picayune | The Advocate)

“The reality is fights don’t look good,” Lopinto said. “Fights don’t ever look good. This is what happens in real life every day. We’re not looking for trouble. Trouble happened and we showed up.”

He noted that Arnold, who said she lost several plaits in the scuffle with Alvarado, did not initially file a complaint but is now “looking for a paycheck.” Lopinto also said the anonymously posted video was “selectively edited” to show only the part of the incident that cast the JPSO in an unflattering light. He suggested that footage of what happened before and after the 15-second clip — if it existed — would present a more nuanced picture. Sheriff’s deputies are not allowed to speak with the media. Arnold’s attorney declined to discuss the details of the case outside the courts.

Two former law enforcement officials who teach or testify in trials on police use of force were less enthusiastic about how Alvarado handled the situation after they viewed the video clip and read the JPSO report on the incident.

W. Lloyd Grafton, a former member of the Louisiana State Police Commission, said he believes the video “unquestionably” shows excessive force.

“He’s a huge man; she’s a tiny girl,” Grafton said. “He’s handling her like a rag doll.”

Joseph Giacalone, a former sergeant in the New York Police Department who teaches a course in the use of force at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, was less critical of Alvarado’s actions in the moment.

“It doesn’t say anywhere that police can use force, but they can’t pull hair,” he said.

Still, Giacalone criticized how the JPSO handled the matter, suggesting it might have been defused by the earlier arrival of a ranking officer or by body camera footage, which the Sheriff’s Office was not then collecting.

“Bodycams could have avoided a lot of this,” Giacalone said. “Police departments shouldn’t leave it up to the public to provide things that you should be providing.”

The bystander-shot video sparked an internal investigation, which led the JPSO to suspend Alvarado without pay for a week and put him on probation for a year.

The punishment was not imposed over Alvarado’s treatment of Arnold, but over his failure to file a report about an incident involving the use of force — in which he handcuffed Arnold but did not arrest her and then called for an ambulance. Alvarado’s superiors were not aware of the matter until a day later, when the video went viral, the report says.

Shortly after the video surfaced, Lopinto announced his office would conduct an internal probe, even though Arnold did not file a formal complaint. The report says Sgt. David Cañas, the lead investigator for the JPSO, interviewed six people: Alvarado and two colleagues, both of whom arrived on the scene after the use of force occurred, plus Arnold, her uncle and her stepfather.

Cañas’ report leans heavily on Alvarado’s account. Because Jefferson Parish deputies did not use body cameras at the time of the incident — they have since begun a limited rollout — the only video evidence of the encounter is the bystander-shot footage.

The report says the deputy responded to a melee involving roughly 20 juveniles. When he got there, it says, Alvarado was told that Arnold “had attempted to initiate a confrontation with a number of juveniles” and then fled. Arnold has said she was beaten up by the youths.

Alvarado had served Arnold with an arrest warrant a week earlier in connection with a car burglary, for which she eventually pleaded guilty. The deputy also said Arnold “is known to carry a concealed knife.”

The report says Alvarado spotted Arnold walking toward her family’s home.

He jumped out of his squad car and said, “Shantel, what’s going on?” the report says. Arnold, according to Alvarado, replied: “If you touch me, I’m going to f--- you up.”

Alvarado claims that Arnold, who is missing an eye and weighs less than 100 pounds, then put down a daiquiri cup she was holding, balled up her fists and began advancing toward him. Arnold and two witnesses told investigators she hadn’t instigated a confrontation.

Alvarado, the report says, “made the decision to accomplish two goals at once — first, to remove Shantel Arnold from the roadway for her safety by seating her on the ground until he was able to summon a medical unit, and second, to terminate her aggressive advance towards him.”

The report says the deputy tried to grab Arnold’s wrists, but they were slippery, and Arnold “was defiant and pulled away.” Alvarado claims this struggle went on for about three minutes before the video begins.

The video shows Alvarado holding Arnold by the wrist; she is lying on her back on the pavement. The deputy then grabs Arnold’s arm with his other hand and jerks her upward, lifting her entire body off the ground.

For a couple of seconds, the two disappear behind a parked car. When they come back into view, Alvarado is holding Arnold by the braids, and he appears to slam her into the pavement. He finally tugs hard, spinning her body around and flipping her onto her stomach, and he puts a knee on her back.

At that point, a second deputy, Manuel Estrada, arrived at the scene and handcuffed Arnold. They called an ambulance, and she was taken to East Jefferson General Hospital.

Citing medical records, the report says Arnold’s injuries — a busted lip and an abrasion on the arm — were minor. It blames the injuries on the juveniles who fought with her, although Arnold told investigators it was the deputy who caused her injuries. The report said that Arnold thought she had lost consciousness but that she refused a CT scan.

Alvarado has been named in at least nine lawsuits alleging excessive use of force during his tenure. That’s more than any other active JPSO deputy, according to a review by ProPublica and WWNO. Two of those suits were settled. One is still pending, and the others were dismissed.

Alvarado was demoted from sergeant to deputy in early 2020; Lopinto declined to specify why but said it was not a use-of-force issue.

While lawsuits are merely allegations, Giacalone, the former NYPD sergeant, said a pattern of such suits is a red flag. “When you have an officer with nine complaints, and then this video shows up, how long before you do something about it?” he asked.

Lopinto countered that Alvarado’s record simply reflects that he works a busy, high-crime beat. “It’s not like he’s getting a complaint every month,” the sheriff said.

It’s not a case of favoritism, Lopinto added, saying he hardly knows Alvarado.

For his investigation, Cañas went back to Richard Street in River Ridge to interview Arnold, her uncle, Tony Givens, and her stepfather, Lionel Gray, who both witnessed the incident.

Cañas wrote that Gray and Givens gave statements that “were so generalized that they possessed a ‘rehearsed’ tone.” The report adds that both “appear to purposely omit the moments prior to the onset of the video for fear that information would portray the culpable actions of Shantel Arnold.” Arnold’s lawyer said the courts should determine the credibility of witnesses.

Ultimately, the report’s conclusion that Alvarado used force in a way that was “reasonable and acceptable” is attributed to Sgt. Michael Pizzolato, the defensive tactics instructor at the JPSO’s training academy.

Pizzolato, according to the report, said the deputy’s decision to grab Arnold by the hair was acceptable because of his belief that Arnold was intoxicated and because her skin was slippery.

“The use of her hair was considered leverage to direct Shantel Arnold to her stomach allowing Deputy Alvarado to gain control of her movements and to ultimately affix handcuffs to her wrists and subdue her actions,” the report concludes.

by Gordon Russell, The Times-Picayune | The Advocate

A Private Policing Company in St. Louis Is Staffed With Top Police Department Officers

2 years 7 months ago

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The biggest private policing company in St. Louis is a who’s who of city police commanders, supervisors and lower-ranking officers.

Among the roughly 200 St. Louis police officers whose names appeared earlier this year on an internal list of officers who had sought and received approval from the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department to moonlight for The City’s Finest were four of the six district commanders who hold the rank of captain. The list, obtained by ProPublica through a public records request, also included two of the department’s highest-ranking officers, Maj. Ryan Cousins, who oversees the department’s murder, rape and arson investigations, and Maj. Shawn Dace, who oversees South Patrol, which includes two districts. It’s not clear if all of those officers currently work for The City’s Finest.

Dace and the four captains, through the department, declined to comment.

Many of the city’s wealthier — and predominantly white — neighborhoods hire off-duty city police officers from companies like The City’s Finest to supplement patrols by the department, an arrangement that creates disparities in how the city is protected. That many top officers moonlight for a private company that exists to shore up the department’s crime-fighting shortcomings suggests deep troubles, experts said.

Peter Joy, a professor at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis, said there would be less demand for The City’s Finest and other companies if the police department was more effective.

“If there was less crime in those areas, The City’s Finest would have less business,” said Joy, an expert in legal ethics and criminal justice. “So, there appears to me to be a conflict of interest.”

Seth Stoughton, a professor at the University of South Carolina’s law school who has studied moonlighting by police, said officers’ dual roles can lead to real and perceived conflicts of interest.

“If you do your job as a public officer too well, you’re going to put your security company out of business,” said Stoughton, a former police officer. “I’m not saying that’s actually going to happen. But it certainly creates this perception.

“The question in the public’s mind is: Who are you actually doing this for right now?”

Because the organizational chart at The City’s Finest is independent of the police department’s command structure, high-ranking officers on the police force sometimes must take direction from their departmental subordinates while working at The City’s Finest. The chief operating officer for The City’s Finest, for instance, is a city lieutenant, yet several higher ranking command officers are under him at the company.

“I’ve got commanders that work every day in different contract areas, and they're like some of the best officers out there,” said Charles “Rob” Betts, who owns The City’s Finest. “They do great, great work and they’re very professional. It’s a good thing, and I think it encourages the other officers that work there. When they see a commander working side by side, it builds morale.”

Betts said he likes to assign leadership roles in his company to commanders “because they’re already in a supervisory role and they understand the importance of that supervisory role.” But some lower ranking officers also have leadership positions. “I have some that I just like their work ethic and they do great work.”

Betts said he had never received a complaint about a commander working for his company.

“I haven’t seen any unethical behavior and I wouldn’t want to be part of it,” he said.

Nate Lindsey, a former official with a taxing district in the Dutchtown neighborhood in the south section of the city, said the department has a culture that views policing almost as a private enterprise.

“Private companies,” he said, “are setting the agenda for what law enforcement looks like in the city of St. Louis.”

Too many police commanders, Lindsey added, are “out there doing secondary gigs as opposed to, say, spending their evenings answering emails to people that they serve within their actual district.”

But Jay Schroeder, the president of the St. Louis Police Officers Association, the police union, said the department’s command staff was, in his mind, simply trying to supplement incomes that lag behind those at other area departments. Police captains in St. Louis earn about $88,000 a year, while police captains in neighboring St. Louis County earn about $110,000, according to published payroll data.

Unlike patrol officers and sergeants, command officers in the city are not eligible for overtime. “These guys have tuition to pay and kids in college and all that stuff,” Schroeder said, “and they’re just trying to make ends meet like everybody else.”

Heather Taylor, the city’s deputy director of public safety, was making about $74,000 when she retired in 2020 as a sergeant after 20 years with the department. She makes about $99,000 in her new role, which she said she needed to shoulder heavy health care costs for her family.

“I couldn’t imagine right now being a sergeant and dealing with issues that I’m dealing with now with the pay that I was being paid,” she said. “I think that the story that probably will be missed within this story is why would any officers need to work secondaries as much as our officers work?”

The city declined to comment otherwise on the prevalence of police commanders working for private policing companies.

Some of the department’s highest-ranking officers sometimes spend their off hours performing tasks that their subordinates would typically do at their day jobs, essentially providing white-glove service to paying customers.

Documents obtained by ProPublica through an open records request show that Cousins sent emails to coordinate The City’s Finest’s response to such issues as a car abandoned on the street and a golf cart theft, trivial matters compared with the sorts of crimes he tries to solve for the police department.

At the time of the emails, Cousins was commander of South Patrol, an area that includes two of the city’s six police districts but does not include Soulard, where he worked for The City’s Finest as a project manager. It’s not clear who Cousins was on the clock for when he sent the emails. The department would not release data showing when he was working for the city.

Cousins said in an email that the department allowed him to work for a second employer and that his responsibilities for the company included scheduling officers for patrol, patrolling himself, attending Soulard meetings and advising officers for the company and the police department about ongoing crime issues.

He said that it was important to address even the smallest concerns residents bring because if they are left unaddressed they can lead to bigger problems. “Should I have allowed those concerns to languish and wait for someone to later address the issues instead of providing a timely response because it’s not as important as a robbery or a homicide?” he asked.

Capt. Michael Mueller served for more than four years as the commander of the department’s Fifth District, which straddles the Delmar Boulevard divide to include the upscale Central West End and several higher-crime neighborhoods to the north. That means he was responsible for making decisions about how to deploy resources across an area with massive disparities in wealth.

At the same time, he walked a foot patrol in the Central West End for The City’s Finest.

The Central West End neighborhood of St. Louis (Michael Thomas for ProPublica)

The neighborhood official who has managed Mueller’s patrols for The City’s Finest said that he doesn’t see any conflict. “He’s not working secondary for us because he’s the captain of a district,” said Jim Whyte, a retired city police officer who is executive director of the Central West End Neighborhood Security Initiative, which oversees The City’s Finest patrols. “We don’t care if we’re hiring a patrolman or a colonel; we’re hiring a police officer that has the powers of arrest that can enforce statutes and ordinances.”

On one occasion, in February 2020, Whyte — who is not a police department employee — suggested in an email that Mueller make an arrest in a trespassing case. A man had repeatedly gone into a cosmetics store in the Central West End where an employee had a restraining order against him. In an email to a police officer copied to Mueller, Whyte wrote: “I will pass that along to the secondary officers. Actually Captain Mueller will likely apprehend him quicker than anyone else.”

Whyte said that protecting the business and its employee from the trespassing suspect was important to the health of the neighborhood and “we don’t get the police response on trespassing.”

Mueller was recently transferred to another police district; he did not respond to a request for comment.

Stoughton, the law professor who has studied police moonlighting, said that a police officer who works as a privately hired officer in the same district where he is in command could have divided loyalties. As a commander, he might want to commit more of the police department’s resources to the area where he draws a second paycheck. But he also might want to hold back resources because his private employer’s business depends on a need for more policing there.

Campbell Security and Service Group, a smaller private policing company that competes with The City’s Finest for contracts, also employs senior command staff from the city. It works in a handful of neighborhoods.

Among the 60 city officers who have sought and been granted permission to work for Campbell are Interim Chief Michael Sack, Bureau of Professional Standards commander Maj. Eric Larson and three district commanders. One of those district commanders, Capt. Christi Marks, said she had not worked for Campbell in about five years. The others, through the police department, declined to comment.

Corby Campbell, the company’s owner, said senior department officials on his payroll worked both as private patrol officers and as consultants. “It can be anything from just a simple question to an idea, like, ‘What do you think?’” he said. “There are no time frames, it could be nothing for a month or two and I might have something I want to run by them.”

by Jeremy Kohler

How to Avoid Being Overcharged for a Funeral

2 years 7 months ago

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For the funeral industry, the COVID-19 pandemic has meant flush times. Revenues have surged at Service Corporation International, the largest such chain in the U.S., with more than 1,500 funeral homes and 400 cemeteries. And “COVID impact,” according to a recent investor fact sheet, helped SCI more than double its earnings per share between 2019 and 2021.

Prices for funerals have always been steep. Funeral homes charged a median of $7,848 for a viewing and burial last year, according to the National Funeral Directors Association, and $6,970 for a cremation. Those costs don’t include the charges from cemeteries, which can add thousands more. ProPublica recently investigated one cemetery whose charges could run into the tens of thousands of dollars.

The federal government has done little to regulate the industry. Thirty-eight years ago, the Federal Trade Commission tiptoed into this realm, mandating that funeral homes disclose their prices. But cemeteries, some of which are overseen by states, were exempted from those rules. For two years now, the FTC has been conducting a rare review of its rules and examining a wide series of proposals, including extending its rules to cemeteries, requiring that prices be posted online, and disclosing that embalming is not legally required. Presented with a series of questions about the status and timing of the process, an FTC spokesperson would say only “the review is ongoing.”

Joshua Slocum, executive director of the Funeral Consumers Alliance, the only national consumer organization that monitors the funeral industry, has been advocating for changes to the FTC’s Funeral Rule for decades. Regardless of what the agency decides, Slocum wants consumers to know their rights, as well as have a few tips at their disposal when preparing to put a loved one to rest.

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

Many people might be surprised to know that at least part of the death industry is regulated. What is regulated and what isn’t?

Let’s talk about the federal [rules] because that’s most important to the basics of what people need to know. There’s something called the Funeral Rule, a regulation from the Federal Trade Commission, which gives consumers particular rights, and they would be very wise to exercise these rights.

One, they have a right to get price quotes by phone.

Number two, when they go to a funeral home in person to talk about a funeral arrangement, they have a right to a printed, itemized price list — think of it just like a menu at a restaurant.

Number three, they have a right to pick and choose item by item. Funeral homes are not allowed to offer you only a package. They will try to offer you a package and they will often say, “You save money if you buy everything together in a bundle.” But just like all bundles, you have to take a look and see, is this actually something I would have spent money on, on its own? Am I really saving money? Or am I just getting a bunch of things that I wouldn’t have picked anyway?

What are the first steps to take after a loved one’s death?

Number one, remember that death is not an emergency. When death occurs, by definition, that means the emergency is now over. The worst thing that can happen has already happened. The person isn’t going to get any deader, to put it plainly.

Get on the phone and call at least five different funeral homes within a 20- to 30-mile radius of where the dead person is. Get price quotes. Take the time to at least look it over and compare some of the prices before you commit to having the funeral home remove the body. If the person dies at a hospital, which is more common, you have more options. Ask the hospital if the body can stay in the morgue for a couple of days while you make a considered decision about which funeral home to call.

Two, take stock of your budget. You need to know that figure. Decide ahead of time what you can comfortably afford. And for God’s sake, please don’t do this: “Oh, money is no object. It’s my mother. She deserves the best,” and then three months from now, you’ve got a $15,000 bill that you can’t pay.

What happens when you comparison shop?

Anytime you pick five or six funeral homes, all within the same city or region, and you canvass them, you will find that there’s a price difference of thousands of dollars for exactly the same service all within a service area available to you. And you will not know this because the vast majority of people will say, “Oh, well, we just use our family’s funeral home.” And I will ask them, “Why is that the one you always go to?”

The bottom line is nobody has a family car dealer, nobody has a family utility company, nobody has a family anything else. They compare prices and services. The problem here is that because this is the death transaction, and it’s a transaction we’re only going to sign a check for on average once in our lives, we don’t have practice with it. And because it is the most emotional business transaction we will ever encounter, many make the mistake of thinking of the funeral home in the same emotional category that their church lives in. That’s a mistake. Your funeral home is not your minister. Your undertaker is not your counselor. Your undertaker is your car dealer for death. And I do not mean that in an insulting way. I mean it in a straightforward business way.

How did it come to be that funeral homes are governed by some federal regulation, but cemeteries aren’t?

The cemetery regulation is so poor that I consider it an unregulated industry, even if it is technically regulated under state law.

Cemeteries before the 20th century were never considered a capitalistic, profit-making venture. They were, either by law or by community consensus, conceived of as doing a public good, something closer to what the church does. So they were seen as nonprofit community service entities that weren’t subject to regular business regulation. That changed in the 20th century when it did become possible in many parts of the country to run a for-profit cemetery.

But the regulations never caught up. The same kinds of deceptive practices that were documented that led to the Funeral Rule have always been going on at cemeteries.

I think there’s very little chance that the FTC is going to bring cemeteries under the funeral rule this time around. We’ve tried many times. There are complicated reasons for it. One of the reasons is that many cemeteries in many states are organized under nonprofit corporation law. The FTC does not have jurisdiction over that, which is an actual genuine, systemic problem.

What kind of deceptive cemetery practices are you referring to?

The same things as what funeral homes did before the law changed. The FTC rule doesn’t apply to cemeteries, so they don’t have to give out a printed price list. They don’t have to let you pick a la carte. Many cemeteries get up to nonsense games, like if you don’t want to buy that cemetery’s headstone, they get sore that they’re not getting that profit out of you. So if you go to a third-party monument dealer, the cemetery will tack on what they will call an “inspection fee” that just happens to be the exact difference in cost that they lost if you didn’t buy their stone.

What has changed now for the FTC to consider amending the Funeral Rule and what needs to happen for some of these proposals to be implemented?

Well, the FTC needs to act. It’s been two years since the FTC announced that they were reviewing the rule, and a review means considering changes. I don’t have a lot of inside knowledge, but what I can say is in communicating with the staff, I believe that they are taking this issue seriously. I believe that they are seriously considering updating the rule to mandate online pricing for funeral homes.

The current federal regulations entitle you to a paper price list if you show up in person at the funeral home. We believe that funeral homes should have to post their prices on their website. But until they do, you are probably going to have to telephone shop.

Do many funeral homes post their prices online, even though it’s not legally required at this point?

We, the Funeral Consumers Alliance and our partner organization, Consumer Federation of America, have done two surveys on the rate of online price posting. We did one in 2018, sampling 25 cities. We found only 16% of funeral homes posted their price lists online. We just did a new version of the survey, which was greatly expanded to a sample size of 1,046 funeral homes in 35 different states, and we only found 18% of them posting their prices. So no, most funeral homes hide their prices online.

Do you think the industry’s profits from COVID-19 will affect the FTC’s decision?

I think our perception and reaction to COVID has played roles in most things. One of the things that was really unfortunate for funeral consumers is that COVID was exactly the period when an online price list would have been most helpful to grieving families and we didn’t have it. People were afraid to go into businesses in person, or there were actually state-based restrictions about transacting business in person. So a lot of people were making arrangements over the phone or in some long-distance way.

The big corporations, which own hundreds of funeral homes and cemeteries across the country, are opposing changes to the rule — what’s their stated reason? What’s your take?

Things like, “We believe that this is a very personal transaction, and we believe it’s most appropriate for the price discussion to be had in the traditional manner, and consumers aren’t shopping for price anyway, so there’s no need for this.” That’s what they say. It’s not complicated. It’s simply that they don’t want to be regulated. From my point of view, they have a very weak case. First of all, requiring online posting of price lists literally costs the funeral industry $0. Do you know what it costs them? It costs them the time it takes to click that button that says “upload PDF.”

ProPublica asked SCI to comment on the FTC’s rules and Slocum’s characterizations of the company’s position. In a statement, an SCI spokesperson acknowledged that “we oppose additional federal regulations.” The company asserted that “the Funeral Rule has worked well at the federal level” and that “our industry is primarily regulated at the state level, and additional regulation at the federal level is unnecessary.” It emphasized the importance of “having a personal conversation with a licensed funeral director, who acts as the consumer advocate” and said that its research shows consumers believe “price is the least important consideration when comparing service quality, reputation, convenience of location and price.” It also stated that SCI’s pricing is “competitive and reasonable.”

Asked about its profits, SCI said, “As the largest provider of funeral, cemetery and cremation services in North America, we served many families who lost loved ones in the pandemic. The growth was driven by elevated COVID-19 mortality, which resulted in an increase in both funeral services performed and burials in our cemeteries.” The statement added that “we had to scale to serve our communities, often when other funeral homes were overwhelmed and simply could not do so.”

More broadly, how have multibillion-dollar conglomerates like SCI changed the funeral industry?

Here’s the reality: They still only have about 12% of the funeral homes in this country. And that’s been pretty steady over 20 to 30 years. In some cities, places like Seattle, many cities in Florida, where there’s a heavy concentration of elderly people, then SCI has a much greater percentage of the market share. That is true. In those places, SCI particularly tends to be the highest-priced funeral home in any market. So if it matters to you, find out who owns your local funeral home. Just because it still says McGillicuddy on the sign doesn’t mean Mr. McGillicuddy still owns it.

Are there practical things that consumers can do to bring the cost of a funeral down?

The most cost-effective thing is to choose a funeral home that already has reasonable prices. Your choice of funeral home is the No. 1 driver of cost. Once you choose a funeral home, look carefully at their offerings and see how much of it you can afford that’s within your budget. Remember that you can shop a la carte. So if your budget says $2,000, you need to face reality. $2,000 is not going to buy you a traditional funeral with embalming, public viewing of the body, metal casket, graveyard burial. You are not going to get that for $2,000 anywhere in the United States. That means your choice is going to be something like simple cremation, even if that’s not your favorite. People have to be realistic.

Is price negotiation ever an option? How would that work?

Yes, just the same way you would do it with any other business that you were negotiating with. They don’t have to haggle with you, but you have the right to do so. We get people who are like, “Well, the funeral home has already picked up the body and we do like this funeral home, but they’re more expensive than another one we found in town, we simply can’t afford it.” And my suggestion is talk to the funeral director and say, “Listen, you’ve taken good care of us before, we appreciate that you came to pick our grandmother up, but we literally cannot afford your price on this direct burial. We would love to give you our business. Can you meet your competitor’s price? We realize you don’t have to lower your prices. But we would like to do business with you. If you can’t lower your prices, we’ll have to have her body removed to a different place.”

And that’s OK to do?

Well, why wouldn’t it be OK? Here’s what I hear underneath this, and I think you’re channeling it correctly from people: What people are doing is asking for permission. But you’re not breaking a social rule. You’re not being cheap. I know what people are thinking: “I don’t want to do that. It’s gauche. It means I don’t care about my mother.” Stop that. That’s nonsense talk. If you showed how much you loved your mother by how much you spent on her funeral, you’d go bankrupt. Love cannot be expressed by money.

Lastly, what are some of the biggest misconceptions about navigating this process?

Most of what people think they are required to purchase is not true. For example, many people think embalming is legally required if you’re going to view the body. That is not true in any U.S. state. It’s also not true that embalming is required as a condition of being buried in the ground. These are in-house funeral home policies, not laws. So there’s very little that you are legally required to purchase. Basically, the only thing that has to happen, when a person dies, in order to satisfy the laws, there has to be a death certificate signed by a doctor, the body has to be buried, cremated or donated to anatomical science within a certain period of time, and that’s literally all that is required. Everything else is optional.

Go into this transaction knowing that although it’s emotional, you are a consumer, you get to decide what you put in your cart. You’re not obliged to buy these things. These are choices and you should make choices that fit your family’s budget and your family’s emotional preferences.

by Carson Kessler

St. Louis’ Private Police Forces Make Security a Luxury of the Rich

2 years 7 months ago

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Hours after a burglary at a designer jeans store in St. Louis’ upscale Central West End neighborhood, at least 16 city police officers received an email alert with surveillance photos of the car believed to belong to the suspects — and an offer of a reward of at least $1,000 for any officer able to locate it.

The email was not from the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department, the police force that employs them and that residents fund with their taxes. Instead, it was from a retired city police detective named Charles “Rob” Betts, who also employs them at his private company, The City’s Finest.

The City’s Finest is no mere security firm. With about 200 officers moonlighting for it, it’s the biggest of several private policing companies that some of St. Louis’ wealthier and predominantly white neighborhoods have hired to patrol public spaces and protect their homes and businesses.

These neighborhoods buy patrols from Betts’ firm and other private police companies because, they say, they do not get enough from a city police department that struggles to provide basic services.

Under department rules, officers have the same authority when working for these companies that they have while on duty, one reason their services are in such demand. They can investigate crimes, stop pedestrians or vehicles and make arrests. And the police department requires that they wear their police uniforms when they’re working in law enforcement or security in the city, creating confusion about who they’re working for.

The result is two unequal levels of policing for St. Louis residents and businesses. Low-income and minority residents do not have the resources to hire police through a private company, and the department has struggled to provide patrols in parts of the city that suffer high rates of violent crime.

Meanwhile, the more affluent neighborhoods, which are less affected by violent crime, have raised millions of dollars to pay companies like The City’s Finest for granular attention from the same officers the police department has said it doesn’t have enough of. Officials in some of those areas praise The City’s Finest. They credit it with suppressing crime and helping merchants stay in business.

Dwinderlin Evans, a city alderwoman who represents some of the areas of St. Louis with the highest crime rates, including the neighborhoods of The Ville and Greater Ville, said the private policing system is unfair, “especially when you have neighborhoods that can’t afford to pay for extra policing.”

What’s more, The City’s Finest has raised its pay to exceed the department’s overtime rate — in essence outbidding the police department for its own workforce. Betts, in fact, has been clear that his company has to pay more to attract city police officers who might otherwise opt to work overtime.

Competing With the Police Department for Officers

The owner of The City’s Finest, Charles “Rob” Betts, told members of the Euclid South Community Improvement District on Sept. 16, 2021, that his company had raised its pay to compete with the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department.

(Audio provided to ProPublica)

Following questions from ProPublica, St. Louis Department of Public Safety Deputy Director Heather Taylor said the city planned a “complete review” of how off-duty officers are used and will hire a firm to “review for best practices that are going to be equitable to officers, the community and the city.”

Taylor acknowledged that, while working as a St. Louis police officer before retiring in 2020, she received an email offering a reward from The City’s Finest to work on a case. She said rewards for off-duty officers are “a practice we’re reviewing, that’s for sure.” ProPublica has identified four cases where The City’s Finest offered rewards.

Taylor said the bigger problem was low pay that makes secondary employment necessary. City police officers make a starting salary of $50,615, about 9% less than in neighboring St. Louis County and 13% less than in suburban Chesterfield.

Meanwhile, St. Louis Comptroller Darlene Green proposed boosting officer pay and benefits and bolstering community policing through a program called “Cops on the Block.”

St. Louis is far from the only U.S. city where neighborhood groups have hired off-duty officers. In Minneapolis, Atlanta, Kansas City and Dallas, neighborhood groups contract directly with local police departments or with the officers themselves. But in those cities, such patrols are typically managed by city officials and officers are accountable to department supervisors.

In other cities, such as Chicago, officers may work off-duty patrolling neighborhoods for private security companies, but they generally do not wear their police uniforms or represent themselves as police officers. The growing presence of off-duty officers in upscale Chicago neighborhoods has drawn concern from Mayor Lori Lightfoot, who said she didn’t want “a circumstance where public safety is only available to the wealthy.”

She added, “That’s a terrible dynamic.”

Experts in policing said they had never seen a system like the one in St. Louis. That system is “an extreme example of a pattern that can be found all across the country,” said David Sklansky, a professor of criminal law and procedure at Stanford University. “Public policing, for all its problems — and it has many, many problems — does represent a commitment to protect people equally, not based on their wealth or political power,” he said. “So the privatization of policing represents a retreat from that promise.”

People move along through the Soulard neighborhood. (Michael Thomas for ProPublica)

Even some officials in well-to-do neighborhoods acknowledge disparities the arrangement creates. “It’s kind of a screwed-up system,” said Luke Reynolds, chair of the special business district in the city’s Soulard neighborhood, known for hosting one of the nation’s biggest Mardi Gras celebrations.

Reynolds said that it was unfair that Soulard has “affluence compared to a lot of other neighborhoods and gets extra patrols. It’s kind of screwed up that the police department can’t do their job and doesn’t have enough people, yet they can staff secondary patrols.”

Mayor Tishaura O. Jones, interim Public Safety Director Dan Isom and interim Police Chief Michael Sack declined interview requests.

Public servants, including police officers, are generally prohibited from accepting gratuities or rewards. It is a felony in Missouri to offer a benefit to a public servant for any specific action they take in that role. The St. Louis police manual says officers cannot accept gratuities, rewards or compensation — unless they are for work outside the department.

While Missouri law does not address whether it is legal for an off-duty police officer to accept payments, courts in other states, including Oklahoma and Connecticut, have held that an off-duty officer accepting rewards or gratuities from private individuals for their actions within the jurisdiction that employs them runs contrary to public policy. In 1899, the U.S. Supreme Court held that it was against public policy for federal marshals to receive a private reward for capturing a fugitive, comparing it to extortion.

Seth Stoughton, a former police officer who is a professor at the University of South Carolina law school and has studied police moonlighting, called emails from The City’s Finest offering private bounties “wild.”

“Officers used to get rewards like this,” he said, “but we’re talking 100 years ago.”

Betts said in an interview that he considers the practice “aboveboard” and not unlike an officer being recognized for good police work at a luncheon. He also compared it to Crime Stoppers, the anonymous crime tip lines that provide rewards for information — although police in Crime Stoppers’ St. Louis region cannot receive rewards.

“It’s merely just an incentive, to just pay a little more attention to this for a little bit. Everybody’s got their plates full,” Betts said. “Our job as police officers is to solve crime and there’s a lot of stuff that gets lost in the shuffle.”

He added: “Everybody works better when you incentivize them.”

Betts works in the office of The City’s Finest in 2015. (Whitney Curtis for ProPublica)

St. Louis perennially has one of the nation’s highest rates of violent offenses among big cities, and, like most American cities, it has struggled to reign in crime. As a result, the performance of the police department is a point of almost constant conflict among city leaders. Some companies have even threatened to relocate because of crime.

The crime and violence, however, don’t occur evenly across the city. They are concentrated in the neighborhoods north of Delmar Boulevard, St. Louis’ well-known racial and socioeconomic dividing line. To the north of Delmar, nearly all of the residents are Black; more than half of residents south of Delmar are white. Home values south of Delmar are roughly seven times higher than those to the north, according to the city assessor.

Pockets of the north suffer from especially high rates of violent crime. In the city’s Sixth District, which contains about 35,000 residents in about 14 square miles, at least 76 murders were committed in 2020. That’s nearly as many as in the entire city of Minneapolis, a city of 430,000, and more than in Boston, with a population of 675,000, or Seattle, with a population of 735,000.

That same year, the Second District on the far south side of St. Louis, which has about 74,000 residents in 15 square miles, had just seven murders.

“It’s a crisis that we’re dealing with,” said Paul Simon, who owns a pet salon on the city’s north side. “Not only in the homes of the people that are in our community but the neighborhoods as well. We’re just in a desolate area. I can’t blame the police, because we have officers who are young and vibrant that are wanting to serve and protect, but the resources at the top” are not getting to struggling communities.

The O’Fallon neighborhood on the north side of St. Louis (Michael Thomas for ProPublica)

John Hayden, who served as chief from late 2017 until his retirement in June, said in public meetings that the department did not prioritize high-crime areas with its patrol plan. Instead, it deployed about the same number of officers to each of its six police districts. Those districts were drawn in 2014 to handle roughly equal volumes of calls for service — but without regard to the seriousness of the crimes.

Critics of the strategy said minor crimes are so pervasive in high-crime areas that victims typically do not bother to report them.

“If we prioritize them by violence, then some of you would have less officers in your districts, and some of you would have more,” Hayden told the aldermanic public safety committee in a videoconference in September 2020. “I think I would get a lot of resistance from some of the people that are on this call.”

Hayden said that day that he had tried to bridge the gap by supplementing patrols in the most violent areas with officers from specialized units. And he said that if he had more officers at his disposal, he would send them to areas with the highest violent crime rates, which “may not be something that everybody supports.”

The aldermanic committee advanced a measure that would have redrawn all six police districts and added a seventh to direct more officers to high-crime areas.

But Hayden told aldermen it was “not feasible” because the department would be spread too thin.

Hayden said in an interview that the ability of some neighborhoods to hire extra police while others cannot was simply “a matter of fact.”

Department leaders and the union that represents rank-and-file officers have for years portrayed the department as shorthanded, struggling to recruit and retain officers. Between 2015 and 2021, the department ran about 100 to 200 officers short of its authorized force of 1,340 officers.

Last year, Mayor Jones cut more than 100 unfilled positions. The department today has 1,053 officers, according to the Missouri Department of Public Safety. Even with job cuts, the force remains one of the largest in the nation per capita.

A longstanding complaint from neighborhood leaders is that officers are so busy responding to emergency calls that they seldom have time to engage with residents, build relationships in the community and act as a deterrent — to just be seen on the street.

Last October, about a dozen business owners in an area of the north side that includes the high-crime neighborhoods of Walnut Park East and Walnut Park West met at a restaurant with two St. Louis police officers. They expressed their frustration about the scarcity of patrols in their district. A reporter observed the meeting.

“We don’t even call you every time,” Tahany Jabbar, the chief operating officer of a chain of gas stations, told Sgt. Christopher Rumpsa and Lt. David Grove.

Rumpsa nodded and finished Jabbar’s thought: “You’d be calling all day.”

“To be honest, you guys don’t come,” Jabbar said. “No offense, but if someone’s not dying, you’re not coming.”

Rumpsa told Jabbar that when the city restructured its police districts in 2014, the Sixth District was meant to have 16 cars on the street at all times, but currently had far fewer.

“Patrol always has the least amount of resources,” Rumpsa said. “That’s the one thing they have got to change.”

ProPublica sought to observe The City’s Finest at work, after Betts suggested that a reporter ride along with some of his employees. The police department, however, blocked the request.

The department also blocked ProPublica’s access to data that would provide a picture of how the department deploys its officers. It declined to provide in-depth data on the activities of its patrol officers, which could have shown possible differences in how they respond in different neighborhoods.

But two groups of consultants did get access to that kind of information. Both concluded that the department does not put enough officers in high-crime neighborhoods.

The Walnut Park East neighborhood on the north side of St. Louis (Michael Thomas for ProPublica)

Teneo Risk, led by Charles Ramsey, who has headed police forces in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., studied St. Louis’ police department in 2020 at the request of the area’s biggest publicly traded company, Centene. Teneo found the department lacked a comprehensive plan to address crime that left it “constantly in ‘fire-fighting’ mode,” leading to “persistent rates of crime and disorder.”

Its report said that in high-crime areas the department “finds itself chronically reactive to incoming calls for service, struggling to maintain sufficient numbers of officers on patrol, and lacking the resources to implement more community-based policing.”

Another group, Center for Policing Equity, studied the police department last year and found that while the department had “exceptional” response times to emergencies, officers in high-crime areas had little time for what is called proactive police work: deterring criminal activity with a visible police presence.

In two districts that lie mostly north of Delmar, the Center for Policing Equity found, officers were so backed up with calls they had little time for “a more comprehensive community-centered policing presence.” But in some areas with lower violent crime rates, the group said, the department was comparatively overstaffed.

Taylor, who retired from the police department as a sergeant in September 2020 and was hired as deputy public safety director after Jones became mayor in April 2021, said “a lot of things that we’re doing have changed” under Jones. She said the department has, in fact, sent more officers to work in areas struggling with high rates of violent crime.

Jay Schroeder, the president of the St. Louis Police Officers Association, the police union, said some officers feel the department has too many officers working in administrative roles. As the department has lost officers, he said, it has left more vacant positions in the patrol division, creating even more demand for private policing.

“The patrol division should be the division that has the most people and the most resources going to it, and it doesn’t seem like it’s been the focus over the last nine to 10 years,” Schroeder said. “As crime goes up, aldermen want policemen in their neighborhoods and the only way it seems they can get it is to pay” private policing companies.

“They’re paying to have policemen in their neighborhoods. That’s what we’ve come to.”

The headquarters of The City’s Finest near the Grove district (Whitney Curtis for ProPublica)

The sign over The City’s Finest’s headquarters off a busy St. Louis street in the city’s central corridor features a single word: POLICE. Many of its vehicles also feature the word POLICE and a logo that incorporates the St. Louis police badge. Other vehicles say SECURITY.

When there has been confusion among residents over whether the officers driving these cars are working on behalf of the city’s police department or a private company, The City’s Finest has tried to avoid drawing a distinction between the two. Speaking about his company, Betts once said it was “essentially an extension of the police department.”

It took decades for this mindset to become commonplace in St. Louis. Some city and neighborhood leaders have concluded private policing is the only way to get policing.

Betts said in an interview that private policing “allows an officer to focus in one particular area for the entirety of their shift, which puts a consistent police presence in that neighborhood.” He added: “We kind of look at ourselves as a force multiplier to the police department, and it’s at no expense to the city.”

Betts has even talked about rolling out a system to allow residents in the neighborhoods The City’s Finest patrols to bypass the city’s 911 system to contact a company officer to report an incident or request an escort. His company would then locate the nearest officer, using a GPS app on the officers’ phones, and direct them to handle the call.

A Number to Call for Private Police to Respond “In an Instant”

Betts told members of the Central West End North Special Business District on Sept. 17, 2021, that he wants to provide residents a direct number to his officers.

(Audio provided to ProPublica)

The city, according to financial statements and other records, has at least 15 districts that levy taxes to pay more than $2 million a year for private police patrols, which include most of the city’s central corridor and several prosperous residential areas on the south side. And more are signing on. The Holly Hills neighborhood, which has one of the lowest rates of violent crime in the city, voted in August to create yet another taxing district, which would raise about $400,000 a year from a property tax surcharge and spend 30% of that for private police.

Steve Butz, a Democratic state representative who helped organize the Holly Hills ballot initiative, said he and his neighbors believe the city is “becoming ungovernable.”

“Is it fair?” Butz asked. “Is it fair that wealthier people drive nicer cars, have better homes, have home security systems, get better health care, go to better schools? People with less resources get the lower end of the stick.”

Private policing in St. Louis dates to the early 1990s and the theft of a Bob Marley box set from West End Wax, an independent record store in the Central West End. Tony Renner, who was then an employee of the store, recalled chasing the shoplifter down Euclid Avenue as the store’s owner, Pat Tentschert, fired shots at the thief.

Central West End resident Jim Dwyer said that Tentschert showed up at a neighborhood meeting one day soon afterwards, pounded her fist on a table and said that more needed to be done to make the neighborhood safe. (Tentschert died in 2017.) He said an alderman “whispered in my ear afterwards” that the neighborhood could form a special business district. “And we did.”

The Central West End neighborhood of St. Louis (Michael Thomas for ProPublica)

Residents from the area voted to form the Central West End North Special Business District in 1992. Their goal: improving neighborhood safety, including by hiring their own private police officers.

“There are people who are envious of the presumed wealth and privilege of our neighborhood in particular,” said Dwyer, who now serves as the district’s chair. But, he said, “we’re not abusing anything.”

Around the same time, Adam Strauss, whose father, Leon Strauss, had redeveloped thousands of homes in the DeBaliviere Place neighborhood next to the Central West End, founded Hi-Tech Security. The company dominated private policing until 2009, when the St. Louis Police Board stripped Adam Strauss of his city security license for engaging in an improper chase and using unnecessary force to arrest two people who had been suspected of trespassing on a gated Central West End street. Adam Strauss declined to comment.

Then-Police Chief Isom told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch in 2009 he wanted the department to “have better control over where those services are and where those people are.” He added: “The idea would be there would be no middle person. So you would not have any private security company in the middle.”

But that never happened. Instead, private policing continued to grow. A new company — this one run by police officers — was starting to compete with Hi-Tech for neighborhood policing contracts. In 2007, Betts was a beat cop working in the Forest Park Southeast neighborhood near the Washington University medical campus. The university’s redevelopment arm was investing heavily to stabilize the surrounding area.

Some neighborhood leaders viewed the neighborhood’s stubborn crime and the presence of gangs as an obstacle to progress. According to Betts, Brooks Goedeker, who was then a community development specialist with the medical center, suggested that he add bike patrols conducted by St. Louis police officers. Goedeker did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

Although Betts’ online resume says he has owned the company since July 2007, when he was still on the force, he has said over the years that his mother owned the company. Since at least 2006, the police department has prohibited members of the force from having a financial interest in or acting as officers or directors of a private security company. Betts said he had to form his company “in a certain way to ensure that things weren’t being violated.”

Betts retired as a homicide detective in 2013 after being injured in a traffic accident on duty.

Charles P. Nemeth, author of the book “Private Security and the Law” and the retired director of the Center of Private Security and Safety at John Jay College in New York, said rules regulating officers owning security companies are important because “private security firms may deal with a criminal case or other matter in a distinctively different way than public policing may be required to handle.”

Nemeth, now the director of the Center for Criminal Justice Law and Ethics at Franciscan University of Steubenville in Ohio, said officers in uniform working for private companies is “very troublesome” because it blurs the basis of their authority. “This is a new one to me, and I’ve been watching this a long time,” he said.

Indeed, nothing suggested that an officer patrolling a Central West End sidewalk on a recent evening was moonlighting for a private company. Lt. JD McCloskey, who works as an aide to the St. Louis police chief, acknowledged to a reporter that he was working for The City’s Finest, though he was wearing his police uniform. He said his responsibilities that evening were to maintain a visible presence along a stretch with several businesses and “interact with citizens and businesses.”

McCloskey walks a foot patrol for The City’s Finest in the Central West End. (Whitney Curtis for ProPublica)

The private policing system puts law enforcement in the hands of interests that are not part of the city’s government and, as a result, are not accountable to taxpayers citywide.

The police department’s only oversight of private policing is screening employers of off-duty officers and auditing whether the officers work more than the maximum hours allowed: 32 hours a week total, or 16 hours a day including their eight-hour department shift. A state audit two years ago found the department didn’t adequately track moonlighting; since then, police have assigned officers to monitor the practice.

Officers on patrol for private police companies don’t necessarily go where crime is happening; they go where they’re paid to go. So it was that a burglary in the Central West End prompted a substantial reward offer from The City’s Finest and a search by several officers across St. Louis for the potential suspects.

The landlord of the burglarized jeans store was no ordinary resident. He was Sam Koplar, a prominent local developer. In addition to Koplar being a board member of one of the Central West End taxing districts that had hired The City’s Finest, his company separately hires officers from The City’s Finest to protect his properties in the Central West End.

Betts wrote in the email to officers that Koplar’s properties had been targeted by criminals three times in the previous year. He implored officers to “work any angle you deem appropriate” and even recruit fellow officers from an undercover task force to help find the car.

“Solving this case is very important to TCF and your help is much appreciated,” he wrote, using The City’s Finest’s initials. The email was sent to some of the officers’ department email addresses; among the recipients were two of the six St. Louis police district captains at that time.

This email to several St. Louis police officers from the owner of The City’s Finest includes a $1,000 reward to any officer who locates a car as part of a burglary investigation. (Email obtained from the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department by ProPublica)

One of those captains, Michael Deeba, who also worked for The City’s Finest at that time, responded from his department email with a key detail: the plate of the wanted car. Another officer emailed the group from his email address at The City’s Finest that a license plate reading camera had detected the car on a street several miles away. A short time later, a suspect was taken into custody at an address near where the car had been seen, although it’s not clear if anyone was prosecuted for the break-in. It was also not clear if any officer was given the reward money.

Deeba, who was charged in April with stealing for allegedly moonlighting for another company on police department time, said that “the whole department,” including its last three chiefs, knew of the rewards. But he said neither he “nor my people would take such a reward.” He has pleaded not guilty to the stealing charge. Deeba has said the department placed him on forced leave; the Missouri Department of Public Safety said he was no longer employed by the city.

Koplar said in an interview that he doesn’t like paying for additional policing, saying the police department should provide adequate patrols. “But unfortunately,” he said, “the police department is stretched very thin.” He said the repeated break-ins at his property were frustrating. “We were exasperated. Our job as the property owner is to provide a safe environment.”

Betts said in an interview that offering a reward was warranted because it brought attention to a crime that the police department might not have devoted the resources to solve. “That business, that area, was a very important part of the business district of the Central West End,” he said. “It was hit three times, which ultimately cost the Koplar family to lose their client, which was detrimental to their business. And nothing was being done.”

Betts said he does not know how often he offered rewards: “It wasn’t like I was doing that every day. It’s usually for a high-profile crime or something that’s of great importance to our efforts.”

ProPublica discovered the rewards by obtaining emails between the company and some members of the department through an open records request. Only emails copied to police department email accounts were subject to the records request.

In another case, after Betts emailed a group of city officers to offer $250 for the arrest of a suspected prowler, a detective sergeant for the department responded on his department email that a “wanted poster shall be created” for the suspect. The detective sergeant, Renwick Bovell, did not return requests for comment.

This email from a St. Louis police detective sergeant indicates that a “wanted poster” would be created after the owner of The City’s Finest posted a $250 reward for any officer who arrests a suspected prowler. (Email obtained from the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department by ProPublica)

Mary Fox, director of the Missouri public defender system, said she had “real concerns with a private organization saying, ‘Hey, if you arrest this person, we’ll give you money,’ when there has not been a judicial determination that the person should be arrested. For a police officer to arrest someone without a warrant, they have to have reasonable suspicion that a crime occurred and this is the person who committed the crime. And it sounds like they are just taking the word of the organization that’s reaching out to them without any investigation by themselves or their department. That’s problematic.”

Nate Lindsey is a former official for a taxing district in Dutchtown, a south city neighborhood that struggles with crime. In 2018, Dutchtown neighborhood officials tried to hire The City's Finest but could not afford to. “Even if a poor neighborhood that lacks resources goes as far as to tax itself to attempt to bring better policing resources into the streets, it’s going to struggle if it doesn’t have enough money to compete with deeper-pocket interests,” he said.

For city residents, he said, “the expectation is that the police department is making decisions with the public good in mind as a whole and that process isn’t affected by special interests or the amount of money that can be provided to either individual officers or companies like The City’s Finest,” he added. “They’re not doing that now.”

by Jeremy Kohler

The Navy Is Withholding Court Records in a High-Profile Ship Fire Case

2 years 7 months ago

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Despite a 2016 law requiring more transparency of court-martials, the U.S. Navy is refusing to release nearly all court documents in a high-profile case in which a sailor faces life in prison.

Seaman Recruit Ryan Mays, 21, has been charged with aggravated arson and hazarding a vessel in the 2020 fire that destroyed the USS Bonhomme Richard. Mays has maintained his innocence.

On July 12, 2020, a fire started on the amphibious assault ship as it was moored at Naval Base San Diego and raged for more than four days. The Navy was not able to put the fire out until the ship was so badly damaged that the service had to scrap it, a more than $1 billion loss.

Although the Navy has accused Mays of starting the fire, the service’s eight-month investigation found plenty of blame to go around. A more than 400-page report concluded that leaders, from those on board the Bonhomme Richard all the way to a three-star admiral, had failed to ensure the ship’s safety and allowed it to become a fire hazard. Fire response was also grossly mismanaged by leaders who had little understanding of how it should have worked, the Navy’s investigation found. Top Navy leaders called the dayslong blaze preventable and unacceptable.

Last week, the military judge in Mays’ case denied requests made separately by the defense and ProPublica to make the records public. Cmdr. Derek Butler sidestepped the defense’s claims — that the government was violating Mays’ Sixth Amendment right to a public trial — and ProPublica’s assertions of the First Amendment. Butler didn’t address the constitutional issues at hand and instead said he didn’t have the authority to release the records.

In July, ProPublica had first requested from the Navy’s Office of the Judge Advocate General all court records that have already been filed and discussed extensively in open court in the Mays case. That office denied access to all but two records already made public, refusing to release any more until the court-martial concludes — and only if Mays is found guilty. The court-martial is scheduled to begin Sept. 19.

In August, ProPublica, along with Paul LeBlanc, a retired Navy judge and lawyer, filed a motion asking Butler to release the documents, arguing that the First Amendment requires the government to make the records public. ProPublica also argued that the public has a strong interest in understanding how and why the government is prosecuting Mays and in ensuring he receives a fair trial.

“They’re attempting to put someone in prison for a very long time, and what they’re filing is hidden from the people,” LeBlanc said. “These documents are filed on behalf of the people of the United States, and the people of the United States should have the same right to see them and know what the government is doing on their behalf as they do in federal court.”

“How can anybody have any sort of trust and confidence in a system if it won’t let them read what prosecutors are saying on their behalf?”

In 2016, Congress passed a law requiring the military to make court-martial dockets, records and filings accessible to the public. The law was prompted in part by the military’s lack of transparency in sexual assault cases. Congress’ goal was to make court-martial records as available to the public as federal court records are.

The law specifically states that the military should facilitate access during “pretrial, trial, post-trial, and appellate processes.” But the Department of the Defense has decided that the law only applies once a court-martial is over. It is simply too hard to turn court-martial records over to the public while a trial is happening, Capt. Jason Jones, the prosecutor in the Mays case, wrote in his brief asking the judge to deny records to the public. Military courts don’t have a clerk to coordinate records, and unlike civilian courts, which are in one place, military courts have to operate in a fluid environment, such as a war zone, he said.

Butler also cited the 2016 law aimed at increasing transparency as why he didn’t have authority to release the records. He wrote that the law did not explicitly grant courts the power to release records but rather the secretary of the defense. He did not address ProPublica’s argument that he has the authority and obligation to release the records under the First Amendment, which Congress cannot take away.

ProPublica Deputy General Counsel Sarah Matthews said the news organization disagreed with Butler’s interpretation of the law and would next ask the top lawyer for the Department of Defense, Caroline Krass, to clarify what the law requires the services do.

The federal government has released the charge sheet and a search warrant that detailed the Navy’s case against Mays. By withholding all other records, including those favorable to the defense, the Navy is seeking to “shield the record in secrecy to its advantage,” Matthews wrote in the motion to Butler.

“Records like these are open in every other courtroom in America. These records aren’t sealed or restricted. They have been discussed in open court, in a proceeding that could send a man to prison,” Matthews said separately. “The Navy believes it can arbitrarily delay or even deny access completely to these records, something all the more troubling because Congress has passed a law demanding more, not less, transparency from our armed services in cases like this.”

by Megan Rose

Sen. Burr Cited COVID When He Dumped Shares Ahead of Stock Market Crash, According to FBI Records

2 years 7 months ago

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After Sen. Richard Burr, R-N.C., told his broker to sell off more than a million dollars in stock a week before the 2020 coronavirus market crash, he called his brother-in-law, Gerald Fauth. Immediately after, Fauth called his wealth manager to sell off almost $160,000 in stock.

Fauth sounded “hurried,” according to a witness cited by the FBI in newly released documents. In explaining why he wanted to dump the stock, Fauth suggested he had special knowledge.

I know a senator, he said.

That appears to contradict what Burr’s lawyer told ProPublica, when we broke the news that the senator and his brother-in-law sold stock on the same day. In that story, the lawmaker’s attorney denied Burr and Fauth had coordinated.

That detail and others were revealed this week, after a judge ordered the Justice Department to further unredact documents related to its insider trading investigation into Burr. Federal prosecutors closed that investigation without filing charges last year, but as of earlier this year, a civil investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commission remained ongoing.

Burr and Fauth could not immediately be reached for comment about the latest document release. In the past, Burr has denied trading on material nonpublic information, and Fauth has repeatedly hung up on ProPublica when asked about his trades.

Here’s a rundown of what’s new from the filing:

A Previous Transaction

Before Burr’s big stock dump on Feb. 13, 2020, the senator engaged in another transaction that suggested he anticipated investor concerns.

The day before his big stock sell-off, Burr purchased $1,189,000 in the Federated U.S. Treasury Cash Reserves Fund, about three-quarters of all the money he and his wife had in their joint account. That purchase had not been previously reported. “Investors often purchase U.S. Treasury funds to hedge against a potential market downturn,” an FBI agent noted.

Why Did Burr Trade?

When the scandal first broke, Burr denied his trades were motivated by inside information he learned as a member of the health and intelligence committees, but rather by news reports from CNBC.

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Though this section remains lightly redacted, the FBI appears to have interviewed someone involved in executing Burr’s stock sell-off. That person did not recall Burr mentioning CNBC.

The person said Burr cited the coronavirus, saying it could affect the stock market and cause problems with the supply chain, since American companies rely on Chinese suppliers. (Burr also apparently mentioned that the surge in support for Sen. Bernie Sanders as the Democratic presidential nominee was a risk to the market.)

Did Burr Have a Source?

The FBI’s application for a warrant to search Burr’s phone remains heavily redacted in places, but it cites extensive texts and phone calls with someone about the impending coronavirus crisis.

“In total, between January 31, 2020, and April 7, 2020, (redacted) and Senator Burr exchanged approximately 32 text messages, nearly all of which concerned, in one way or another, the COVID-19 pandemic,” an FBI agent wrote.

That person’s identity remains unknown.

But the exchanges Burr had with this person are part of the reason the FBI was alleging there was probable cause to believe “Burr used material, non-public information regarding the impact that COVID-19 would have on the economy, and that he gained that information by virtue of his position as a Member of Congress.”

One More Call

The day the scandal first broke, Burr was facing demands that he resign from left and right, including from liberal Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and conservative Fox News host Tucker Carlson.

One of his first calls that evening? His brother-in-law.

According to the FBI, at 7:31 p.m. a call was placed from Burr’s cellphone to Fauth’s cellphone.

It lasted four and a half minutes. What was discussed is unclear.

At that point, it wasn’t yet publicly known that Fauth had dumped stock the same day as Burr. ProPublica broke that story two months later.

A week later the FBI asked a judge for a warrant to search Burr’s phone, news of which prompted Burr to step down as chair of the intelligence committee.

by Robert Faturechi