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Well, for a story that was already over, this became somewhat fascinating. We have followed the Nintendo vs. GilvaSunner war for several years now. The GilvaSunner YouTube channel has long been dedicated to uploading and appreciating a variety of video game music, largely from Nintendo games. Roughly once a year for the past few years, Nintendo would lob copyright strikes at a swath of GilvaSunner "videos": 100 videos in 2019, a bit less than that in 2020, take 2021 off, then suddenly slam the channel with 1,300 strikes in 2022. With that last copyright MOAB, the GilvaSunner channel has been shuttered voluntarily, with the operator indicating that it's all too much hassle.

Well, on the internet, and in our comments on that last post, there began to be speculation as to whether or not it was actually Nintendo behind all of these copyright strikes... or an imposter. Those sleuthing around found little tidbits, such as the name used on the strike not matching up to the names displayed in the past when Nintendo has acted against YouTube videos.

It was... strange. Why? Well, because it looked like many people going out and trying to find a reason to believe that Nintendo wasn't behaving exactly as anyone who had witnessed Nintendo's behavior would expect. If this was someone impersonating Nintendo with these actions, it was utterly indistinguishable from how Nintendo would normally behave. Guys, they do this shit all the time.

And this time too, as it turns out. You can hear it straight from YouTube's mouth.

Jumping in – we can confirm that the claims on @GilvaSunner's channel are from Nintendo. These are all valid and in full compliance with copyright rules. If the creator believes the claims were made in error, they can dispute with these steps: https://t.co/ivyjVNwLVu

— TeamYouTube (@TeamYouTube) February 5, 2022

This is where I will stipulate for the zillionth time that Nintendo is within it's rights to take these actions. But we should also stipulate that the company doesn't have to go this route and the fact that it prioritizes control of its IP in the strictest fashion over letting its fans enjoy some video game music should tell you everything you need to know.

In the meantime, to the internet sleuths: I appreciate your dedication to either Nintendo or to simply digging into these kinds of details for funsies or whatever. That being said, as the old saying goes, if you hear the sound of hooves, assume it's a horse and not a zebra.

The federal government has a problem with secrecy. Well, actually it doesn't have a problem with secrecy, per se. That's often considered a feature, not a bug. But federal law says the government shouldn't have so much secrecy, what with the FOIA being in operation. And yet, the government feels compelled to keep secrets from its biggest employer: the US taxpayers.

Over-classification remains a problem. It has been a problem ever since long before a government contractor went rogue with a massive stash of NSA documents, showing that many of the government's secrets should have been shared or, at the very least, more widely discussed as the government turned 9/11 into a constitutional bypass on the information superhighway.

Since then, efforts have been made to dial back the government's proclivity for classifying documents that pose no threat to government operations and/or government security. In fact, the argument has been made (rather convincingly) that over-classification is counterproductive. It's more likely to result in the exposure of so-called secrets rather than secure the blanket-exemption-formality that keeps secrets from the general public.

Efforts have been made to counteract this overwhelming desire to keep the public locked out of discussions about government activities. These efforts have mostly failed. And that has mainly been due to vague and frequent invocations of national security concerns, which allow legislators and federal judges to shut off their brains and hammer the [REDACT] button repeatedly.

But ignoring the problem hasn't made the problem go away, no matter how many billions the federal government refuses to throw at the problem. Over-classification still stands between the public and information it should have access to. And it stands between federal agencies and efficient use of tax dollars. The federal government generates petabytes of data every month. And far too often, the agencies generating the data decide it's no one's business but their own.

It's not just legislators noting the widening gap between the government's massive stockpiles of data and the public's ability to access them. It's also those generating the most massive stashes of bits and bytes, as the Washington Post points out, using the words of an Intelligence Community official.

The U.S. government is drowning in its own secrets. Avril Haines, the director of national intelligence, recently wrote to Sens. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and Jerry Moran (R-Kan.) that “deficiencies in the current classification system undermine our national security, as well as critical democratic objectives, by impeding our ability to share information in a timely manner.” The same conclusions have been drawn by the senators and many others for a long time.

As this letter hints at, over-classification doesn't just affect the great unwashed whose power is generally considered to be far too limited to change things. It also affects agencies and the entities that oversee the agencies -- the latter of which are asked to engage in oversight while being locked out of the information they need to perform this task.

If there's any good news here, it's that the Intelligence Community recognizes it's part of the problem. But this is just one person in the IC. It's unlikely every official feels this way.

The government is working towards a solution, but its work is being performed at the speed of government -- something further hampered by the back-and-forth of periodic regime changes and their alternating ideas about how much transparency the government owes to its patrons.

The IC letter writer almost sees a silver lining in the nearly opaque cloud enveloping agencies involved in national security efforts.

So far, Ms. Haines said, current priorities and resources for fixing the classification systems “are simply not sufficient.” The National Security Council is working on a revised presidential executive order governing classified information, and we hope the White House will come up with an ambitious blueprint for modernization.

The silver lining is "so far," and the efforts being made elsewhere to change things. The rest of the non-lining is far less silver: the resources aren't sufficient and the National Security Council is grinding bureaucratic gears by working with the administration to change things. If it doesn't happen soon, changes will be at the discretion of the next administration. And the next administration may no longer feel streamlining declassification is a priority, putting projects that have been in the on-again, off-again works since Snowden's exposes on the back burner yet again.

Our government will never likely feel Americans can be trusted with information about the programs their tax dollars pay for. But perhaps a little more momentum -- this time propelled by something within the Intelligence Community -- will prompt some incremental changes that may eventually snowball into actual transparency and accountability.

A federal court has delivered a rebuke of police gang databases in, of all things, a review of a deportation hearing.

As we've been made painfully aware, gang databases are just extensions of biased policing efforts. People are placed in gang databases for numerous, incredibly stupid reasons. People are designated gang members simply for living, working, and going to school in areas where gang activity is prevalent. Infants have been added to gang databases because cops can't be bothered to perform any due diligence. There's no way for people to know they've been designated as gang-affiliated and, worse, there's often no way to challenge this designation and get yourself removed from these lists, which tend to result in additional harassment by police officers or "gang enhancements" that lengthen sentences for anyone listed in these dubious databases.

In 2015, Homeland Security Investigations officers performed a sweep in Boston, Massachusetts, rounding up suspected MS-13 gang members for deportation. This sweep snared Cristian Diaz Ortiz, who was 16, had entered the country illegally, and was now living with his uncle.

Oritz applied for asylum, citing the fear of being subjected to MS-13 gang violence if he was sent back to his home country, El Salvador. From the First Circuit Appeals Court decision [PDF]:

On October 1, 2018, Diaz Ortiz filed an application for asylum, withholding of removal, and CAT protection, basing his request on multiple grounds, including persecution because of his evangelical Christian religion. He also reported that an aunt had been murdered in 2011 by members of MS-13, and he feared that the gang would kill him as well if he returned to El Salvador. In a subsequently filed affidavit, Diaz Ortiz stated that, while he was living in El Salvador, MS-13 had threatened his life "on multiple occasions" because he was a practicing evangelical Christian. He said he repeatedly refused the gang's demands that he join MS-13, but gang members continued to follow him and issue threats. In 2015, the gang physically attacked him and warned "that they would kill [him] and [his] family if [he] did not stop saying [he] was a Christian and living and preaching against the gang way of life."

The Immigration Judge sided with the Department of Homeland Security. It largely made this decision due to the introduction of a "Gang Assessment Database" that said Ortiz was not a practicing Christian who might fear retaliation if removed from the country, but rather an MS-13 infiltrator. The "gang package" (as the court refers to it) was compiled by the Boston PD. It stated the following:

Cristian Josue DIAZ ORTIZ has been verified as an MS-13 gang member by the Boston Police Department (BPD)/Boston Regional Intelligence Center (BRIC).

Cristian Josue DIAZ ORTIZ has documented associations with MS-13 gang members by the Boston Police Department and Boston School Police Department (BSPD). (See the attached BPD & BSPD incident/field interview reports and gang intelligence bulletins.)

Cristian Josue DIAZ ORTIZ has been documented carrying common MS-13 gang related weapons by the Boston Police Department. (See the attached BPD incident/field interview reports.) [A footnote states that the only "weapon" ever documented by the BPD was a bike chain and a padlock carried in Ortiz's backpack.]

Cristian Josue DIAZ ORTIZ has been documented frequenting areas notorious for MS13 gang activity by the Boston Police Department. These areas are 104 Bennington St. and the East Boston Airport Park/Stadium in East Boston, Massachusetts which are both known for MS-13 gang activity including recent firearms arrests and a homicide.

According to the Boston PD, Oritz racked up "points" by associating with gang members and being in areas MS-13 members frequented. If enough points are accrued, a person gets placed in the gang database. But the underlying events had nothing to do with gang activity, despite what the summary provided by the DHS said.

The BPD documented nine "interactions" with Ortiz in which it assigned "gang" points to him. Three of those instances involved Ortiz smoking marijuana (a civil infraction in Massachusetts) with students and others the BPD claimed were "known MS-13 members." Four others involved Ortiz "loitering" in a place near "known gang member" or being approached and talked to by "known gang members." And one of the interactions was the time the BPD "discovered" Oritz carrying a bike lock and chain in his backpack -- something not all that uncommon for bike owners (which Ortiz was).

This "gang package" was critiqued by a law enforcement expert who testified that Ortiz should never have been included in the gang database. The former Boston police officer pointed out Ortiz had never been suspected of criminal activity and was apparently being penalized solely for spending time with people of his same ethnicity. The gang package's claim that Ortiz had a "history" of carrying weapons was clearly undercut by the BPD's documentation of a single incident where an officer recovered something that could be used as a weapon (the bike chain), but was not inherently a tool of unlawful violence.

The immigration judge ignored all of this, finding only the DHS and BPD credible. So did the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA). Fortunately for Ortiz, the First Circuit isn't as easily impressed by the Boston PD's police work. It has some very harsh words for the two lower levels that blew off their obligations to the asylum seeker.

If the IJ and BIA had performed even a cursory assessment of reliability, they would have discovered a lack of evidence to substantiate the gang package's classification of Diaz Ortiz as a member of MS-13. Most significantly, the record contains no explanation of the basis for the point system employed by the BPD. The record is silent on how the Department determined what point values should attach to what conduct, or what point threshold is reasonable to reliably establish gang membership.

As the appeals court points out, these databases are inherently unreliable because literally anything can be used to imply someone is a gang member. The lower courts were wrong to completely dismiss Ortiz's challenge of the BPD's assessment.

That silence is so consequential because, during the period relevant to this case, the list of "items or activities" that could lead to "verification for entry into the Gang Assessment Database" was shockingly wide-ranging. It included "Prior Validation by a Law Enforcement Agency" (nine points), "Documented Association (BPD Incident Report)" (four points), and the open-ended "Information Not Covered by Other Selection Criteria" (one point). The 2017 form for submitting FIO [Field Interview Operations] reports to the database states that a "Documented Association" includes virtually any interaction with someone identified as a gang member: "[w]alking, eating, recreating, communicating, or otherwise associating with confirmed gang members or associates."

The points are easy to acquire, but there's no consistency in how the Boston PD assigns them, lending more credibility to the assumption that gang databases mainly exist to confirm cops' biases.

Moreover, the point system was applied to Diaz Ortiz in a haphazard manner. He was assigned points for most, but not all, of his documented interactions with purported MS-13 members. When he was assigned points, he was not always assigned the same number per interaction. Although he was assigned two points for "contact" with alleged gang members or associates on most occasions, he was assigned five points for the "Intelligence Report" submitted by the Boston School Police that describes an encounter that appears no different from the other "contacts." Only two items in the Rule 335 list carry five points: "Information from Reliable, Confidential Informant" and "Information Developed During Investigation and/or Surveillance." We thus cannot accept the BIA's implicit conclusion that the gang package's points-driven identification of Diaz-Ortiz as a "VERIFIED and ACTIVE" member of MS-13 was reliable.

Case in point:

The entry for November 28, 2017 -- the report from a Boston school officer -- illustrates several of these issues. The gist of the entry is that two officers made "casual conversation" with a student in a "full face mask" whom they identified as a member of MS-13, and they then saw the student walk over to a group of teenage boys that included Diaz Ortiz. The report identifies no improper conduct by any of the students; it does not say that the mask bore gang colors or symbols;23 it does not indicate that the masked student spoke directly to Diaz Ortiz. Nor does the report explain the basis for identifying the student as an MS-13 member other than to say that the BRIC labeled the student as a "verified" member. Therefore, we at most can infer from this paltry set of facts that Diaz Ortiz was standing near an individual who was identified as an MS-13 member by the BRIC, with the only basis for that identification the possible use of the same problematic point system that identified Diaz Ortiz as a member. Yet, Diaz Ortiz received five points merely because that student decided to walk over and join a group that included him.

Yes, the BPD decided Ortiz was affiliated with a notorious El Salvadoran gang internationally known for violently [checks gang package] smoking the reefer and conversing in public.

The whole opinion is worth reading. It ruthlessly picks apart the BPD's gang database, reaching conclusions that apply to every gang database run by any law enforcement agency in America. This vacates the lower courts' decisions, which means Ortiz can again plead his case before the BIA. And this time he'll get a new judge because the First Circuit feels that sending it back to the original immigration judge would just allow that judge to re-engage with their pre-existing biases.

Gang databases are garbage. Even the most cursory examination of the underlying factors common to almost every gang database makes that clear. But the immigration court couldn't be bothered to do this, which almost resulted in someone being sent back to El Salvador where interactions with actual gang members might have resulted in his death, rather than just being an unwilling participant in Boston's "Whose Gang Is It Anyway?," where everything's made up and, unfortunately, the points do matter.

Summary:

On March 10 2021, the Russian Government deliberately slowed down access to Twitter after it accused the platform of repeatedly failing to remove posts about illegal drug use, child pornography, and pushing minors towards suicide. 

State communications watchdog Roskomnadzor (RKN) claimed that “throttling” the speed of uploading and downloading images and videos on Twitter was to protect its citizens by making its content less accessible. Using Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) technology, RKN essentially filtered internet traffic for Twitter-related domains. As part of Russia’s controversial 2019 Sovereign Internet Law, all Russian Internet Service Providers (ISPs) were required to install this technology, which allows internet traffic to be filtered, rerouted, and blocked with granular rules through a centralized system. In this example, it blocked or slowed down access to specific content (images and videos) rather than the entire service. DPI technology also gives Russian authorities unilateral and automatic access to ISPs’ information systems and access to keys to decrypt user communications. 

The University of Michigan’s researchers reported connection speeds to Twitter users were reduced on average by 87 percent and some Russian internet service providers reported a wider slowdown in access. Inadvertently, this throttling affected all website domains that included the substring t.co (Twitter’s shortened domain name), including Microsoft.com, Reddit.com, Russian state operated news site rt.com and several other Russian Government websites, including RKN’s own.

Although reports suggest that Twitter has a limited user base in Russia, perhaps as low as 3% of the population (from an overall population of 144 million), it is popular with politicians, journalists and opposition figures. The ‘throttling’ of access was likely intended as a warning shot to other platforms and a test of Russia’s technical capabilities. Russian parliamentarian, Aleksandr Khinshtein, an advocate of the 2019 Sovereign Internet Law, was quoted as saying that: 

Putting the brakes on Twitter traffic “will force all other social networks and large foreign internet companies to understand Russia won’t silently watch and swallow the flagrant ignoring of our laws.” The companies would have to obey Russian rules on content or “lose the possibility to make money in Russia.” — Aleksandr Khinshtein

The Russian Government has a history of trying to limit and control citizen’s access and use of social media. In 2018, it tried and ultimately failed to shut down Telegram, a popular messaging app. Telegram, founded by the Russian émigré, Pavel Durov, refused to hand over its encryption keys to RKN, despite a court order. Telegram was able to thwart the shutdown attempts by shifting the hosting of its website to Google Cloud and Amazon Web Services through ‘domain fronting’ – which the Russian Government later banned. The Government eventually backed down in the face of technical difficulties and strong public opposition.
Many news outlets suggest that these incidents demonstrate that Russia, where the internet has long been a last bastion of free speech as the government has shuttered independent news organizations and obstructed political opposition, is now tipping towards the more tightly controlled Chinese model and replicating aspects of its famed Great Fire Wall – including creating home-grown alternatives to Western platforms. They also warn that as Russian tactics become bolder and its censorship technology more technically sophisticated – they will be easily co-opted and scaled up by other autocratic governments.

Company considerations:

• To what extent should companies comply with such types of government demands? 
• Where do companies draw the line between acquiescing to government demands/local law that are contrary to its values or could result in human rights violations vs expanding into a market or ensuring that its users have access?
• To what extent should companies align their response and/or mitigation strategies with that of other (competitor) US companies affected in a similar way by local regulation?
• Should companies try to circumvent the ‘throttling’ or access restrictions through technical means such as reconfiguring content delivery networks?
• Should companies alert its users that their government is restricting/throttling access?

Issue considerations:

• When are government takedown requests too broad and overreaching? Who – companies, governments, civil society, a platform’s users – should decide when that is the case?
• How transparent should companies be with its users about why certain content is taken down because of government requests and regulation? Would there be times when companies should not be too transparent?
• What can users and advocacy groups do to challenge government restrictions on access to a platform?
• Should – as the United Nations suggest – access to the internet be seen as a part of a suite of digital human rights?

Resolution:

The ‘throttling’ of access to Twitter content initially lasted two months. According to RKN, Twitter removed 91 percent of its takedown requests after RKN threatened to block Twitter if it didn’t comply. Normal speeds for desktop users resumed in May after Twitter complied with RKN’s takedown requests but reports indicate that throttling is continuing for Twitter’s mobile app users until it complies fully with RKN’s takedown requests.

Originally posted to the Trust and Safety Foundation website.

It didn't take long for Citizen -- the app that once wanted to be a cop -- to wear out its law enforcement welcome. The crime reporting app has made several missteps since its inception, beginning with its original branding as "Vigilante."

Having been booted from app stores for encouraging (unsurprisingly) vigilantism, the company rebranded as "Citizen," hooking um… citizens up with live feeds of crime reports from city residents as well as transcriptions of police scanner output. It also paid citizens to show up uninvited at crime scenes to report on developing situations.

But it never forgot its vigilante origins. When wildfires swept across Southern California last year, Citizen's principals decided it was time to put the "crime" back in "crime reporting app." The problem went all the way to the top, with Citizen CEO Andrew Frame dropping into Slack conversations and live streams, imploring employees and app users to "FIND THIS FUCK."

The problem was Citizen had identified the wrong "FUCK." The person the app claimed was responsible for the wildfire wasn't actually the culprit. Law enforcement later tracked down a better suspect, one who had actually generated some evidence implicating them.

After calling an innocent person a "FUCK" and a "devil" in need of finding, Citizen was forced to walk back its vigilantism and rehabilitate its image. Unfortunately for Citizen, this act managed to burn bridges with local law enforcement just as competently as the wildfire it had used to start a vastly ill-conceived manhunt.

As Joseph Cox reports for Motherboard, this act ignited the last straw that acted as a bridge between Citizen and one of the nation's largest law enforcement agencies, the Los Angeles Police Department. Internal communications obtained by Vice show the LAPD decided to cut ties with the app after the company decided its internal Slack channel was capable of taking the law into its own hands.

On May 21, several days after the misguided manhunt, Sergeant II Hector Guzman, a member of the LAPD Public Communications Group, emailed colleagues with a link to some of the coverage around the incident.

“I know the meeting with West LA regarding Citizen was rescheduled (TBD), but here’s a recent article you might want to look at in advance of the meeting, which again highlights some of the serious concerns with Citizen, and the user actions they promote and condone,” Guzman wrote. Motherboard obtained the LAPD emails through a public records request.

Lieutenant Raul Jovel from the LAPD’s Media Relations Division replied “given what is going on with this App, we will not be working with them from our shop.”

Guzman then replied “Copy. I concur.”

Whatever lucrative possibilities Citizen might have envisioned after making early inroads towards law enforcement acceptance were apparently burnt to a crisp by this misapprehension that nearly led to a calamitous misapprehension. Rather than entertain Citizen's mastubatorial fantasies about being the thin app line between good and evil, the LAPD (wisely) chose to kick the upstart to the curb.

The stiff arm continues to this day. The LAPD cut ties and has continued to swipe left on Citizen's extremely online advances. The same Sgt. Guzman referenced in earlier emails has ensured the LAPD operates independently of Citizen. When Citizen asked the LAPD if it would be ok to eavesdrop on radio chatter to send out push notifications to users about possible criminal activity, Guzman made it clear this would probably be a bad idea.

“It’s come up before. Always turned down for several reasons,” Guzman wrote in another email.

And now Citizen goes it alone in Los Angeles. In response to Motherboard's reporting, Citizen offered up word salad about good intentions and adjusting to "real world operational experiences." I guess that's good, in a certain sense. From the statement, it appears Citizen is willing to learn from its mistakes. The problem is its mistakes have been horrific rather than simply inconvenient, and it appears to be somewhat slow on the uptake, which only aggravates problems that may be caused by over-excited execs thinking a few minutes of police scanner copy should result in citizen arrests.

We've already talked about the many problems with the EARN IT Act, how the defenders of the bill are confused about many basic concepts, how the bill will making children less safe and how the bill is significantly worse than FOSTA. I'm working on most posts about other problems with the bill, but it really appears that many in the Senate simply don't care.

Tomorrow they'll be doing a markup of the bill where it will almost certainly pass out of the Judiciary Committee, at which point it could be put up for a floor vote at any time. Why the Judiciary Committee is going straight to a markup, rather than holding hearings with actual experts, I cannot explain, but that's the process.

But for now at least over 60 human rights and public interest groups have signed onto a detailed letter from CDT outlining many of the problems in the bill, and asking the Senate to take a step back before rushing through such a dangerous bill.

It also discusses the attacks on encryption hidden deep within the bill.

There's a lot more in the letter, and the Copia Institute is proud to be one of the dozens of signatories, along with the ACLU, EFF, Wikimedia, Mozilla, Human Rights Campaign, PEN America and many, many more organizations.

In June 2020, in Brattleboro, Vermont, something extremely ordinary happened. Two residents of the community interacted on Facebook. It was not a friendly interaction, which made it perhaps even more ordinary.

Here's the ordinariness in all of its mundane detail, as recounted in Brattleboro resident Isabel Vinson's lawsuit [PDF] seeking to have one of the state's laws found unconstitutional.

In June 2020, Christian Antoniello, a Brattleboro resident and the owner of a local business called the Harmony Underground, criticized the Black Lives Matter movement on his personal Facebook page, stating, “How about all lives matter. Not black lives, not white lives. Get over yourself no one’s life is more important than the next. Put your race card away and grow up.”

On June 6, Ms. Vinson posted on her own Facebook page and tagged the Harmony Underground’s business page. Ms. Vinson’s post stated: “Disgusting. The owner of the Harmony Underground here in Brattleboro thinks this is okay and no matter how many people try and tell him it’s wrong he doesn’t seem to care.” In the comments on her post, Ms. Vinson recommended that everyone “leave a review on his page so [Antoniello] can never forget to be honest,” and also tagged a Facebook group called “Exposing Every Racist.”

In response to Ms. Vinson’s Facebook post, a conversation thread ensued among several people, including Ms. Vinson, about her post, Mr. Antoniello, and other complaints about the business.

That's when things stopped being normal, and started becoming increasingly more bizarre.

Several weeks later, Antoniello and his wife reported to the Brattleboro Police Department that they were being harassed on Facebook and that Ms. Vinson’s Facebook activity caused them to fear for their safety.

This is kind of a normal reaction. Kind of. Not everyone subjected to online pitchforks will choose to make it a police matter, but this couple did.

If you're wondering where the criminal activity is, the Brattleboro police department has an answer for you.

On July 7, the Brattleboro Police Department cited Ms. Vinson under § 1027 based on her Facebook activity.

Here's what the state law (Section 1027) says:

A person who, with intent to terrify, intimidate, threaten, harass, or annoy makes contact by means of a telephonic or other electronic communication with another and makes any request, suggestion, or proposal that is obscene, lewd, lascivious, or indecent; threatens to inflict injury or physical harm to the person or property of any person; or disturbs, or attempts to disturb, by repeated telephone calls or other electronic communications, whether or not conversation ensues, the peace, quiet, or right of privacy of any person at the place where the communication or communications are received shall be fined not more than $250.00 or be imprisoned not more than three months, or both.

It's an amazingly broad law that criminalizes all sorts of speech since it can be stretched to fit nearly any speech a complainant doesn't care for. "Harass" is a pretty non-specific term. "Annoy" is even more vague.

That's the law being challenged by Vinson and the ACLU. It's a vague, unconstitutional law. And it's a law the PD obviously didn't sincerely believe applied to Vinson's Facebook post because it ditched everything about this highly questionable case the moment questions started being asked.

Two weeks later -- following an ACLU public records request for all documents related to Vinson's charge and prosecution -- the Brattleboro PD approached Vinson and offered to drop the charges in exchange for her entering a diversion program that could be completed in lieu of criminal charges. Vinson refused to enter the diversion program and said she was seeking legal representation. Here's what happened next:

Two days later, the Brattleboro police informed Ms. Vinson that she would not be charged.

All's well that ends abruptly in the face of the slightest resistance. But the law is still on the books. If the Brattleboro cops may decide not to take a second swing at Isabel Vinson with this law, law enforcement officers in the state are still free to misuse the law to punish people for saying things other people didn't like. And, needless to say, the vague law presents a perfect crime of opportunity for cops if a state resident says something cops don't like. That's why the state is being sued and the Vermont federal court being asked to declare the law unconstitutional. As it stands, the law presents an existential threat to free speech in the state. And Isabel Vinson's experience in Brattleboro shows what can happen when the threat goes from theoretical to fully-realized.

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AT&T got a lot wrong (and still really can't admit it) with the company's $86 billion acquisition of Time Warner. There were endless layoffs, a steady dismantling of beloved brands (DC's Vertigo imprint, Mad Magazine), all for the company to lose pay TV subscribers in the end.

But the one thing the company did get right, with a little help from COVID, was its attacks on the dated, pointless, and often punitive Hollywood release window. Typically, this has involved a 90 day gap between the time a move appears in theaters and its streaming or DVD release (in France this window is even more ridiculous at three years). Generally, this is done to protect the "sanctity of the movie going experience," as if for thirty years the "sanctity of the movie going experience" hasn't involved sticky floors, over priced popcorn, big crowds and mass shootings.

During COVID, big streamers like AT&T and Comcast shifted a lot of their tentpole films (like Dune) directly to streaming, which technically saved human lives, but resulted in no limit of raised eyebrows and scorn among the "Loews at the mall is a sacred space you can't criticize" segment of Hollywood. You might recall that AMC Theaters was positively apoplectic when Comcast showed that release windows were a dated relic, declaring it would never again show a Comcast NBC Universal picture anywhere in the world if Comcast kept threatening the sacred release window (the threat lasted about a week).

WarnerMedia (in the process of being spun off by AT&T) has faced similar whining from the industry. This week the company was hit with a lawsuit (pdf) by Village Roadshow Films, which claims the company "rushed" the release of The Matrix Resurrections from 2022 to 2021 as part of an (gasp) effort to boost streaming's popularity. All through 2021, AT&T/Time Warner released films simultaneously in theaters and on streaming to boost HBO Max subscriptions. And people liked it.

Unsurprisingly, Village Roadshow Films did not, claiming the effort (dubbed "Project Popcorn") was a "clandestine plan to materially reduce box office and correlated ancillary revenue generated from tent pole films that Village Roadshow and others would be entitled to receive in exchange for driving subscription revenue for the new HBO Max service." HBO Max and AT&T telegraphed this intention, so it seems hard to argue this was somehow clandestine. The suit also accuses WarnerMedia of ignoring the fact that piracy would have hurt the overall profits to be made from the film, though, again, metrics proving clear financial harm appear lacking.

But just as unsurprisingly, Warner Brothers thinks Village Roadshow Films is just annoyed by reality and shifting markets:

Again, while it's true that AT&T attacked the sacred old release window to goose streaming subscriptions, this was something that happened during an historic plague in which indoor transmission of a deadly virus could kill or disable you. It's also almost an afterthought that in the advanced home theater and mall shooting era, this is something consumers desperately wanted. For all its downsides, COVID had a strong tendency to painfully highlight shortcomings (see: broadband, the U.S. healthcare system) and dated antiquities (like release windows or a disdain for telecommuting) that no longer served us.

While there's a shrinking sect of Hollywood folks like Spielberg who still think in-person theaters and release windows are sacred and above reproach, COVID laid bare the fact that not that many people agree with them. And while that certainly disadvantaged folks financially dependent on older models (like theater owners and studios heavily vested in release windows), the reality is what it is, and a popular change was accelerated all the same.

The endless parade of bad news for Israeli malware merchant NSO Group continues. While it appears someone might be willing to bail out the beleaguered company, it still has to do business as the poster boy for the furtherance of human rights violations around the world. That the Israeli government may have played a significant part in NSO's sales to known human rights violators may ultimately be mitigating, but for now, NSO is stuck playing defense with each passing news cycle.

Late last month, the New York Times revealed some very interesting things about NSO Group. First, it revealed the company was able to undo its built-in ban on searching US phone numbers… provided it was asked to by a US government agency. The FBI took NSO's powerful Pegasus malware for a spin in 2019, but under an assumed name: Phantom. With the permission of NSO and the Israeli government, the malware was able to target US numbers, albeit ones linked to dummy phones purchased by the FBI.

The report noted the FBI liked what it saw, but found the zero-click exploit provided by NSO's bespoke "Phantom" (Pegasus, but able to target US numbers) might pose constitutional problems the agency couldn't surmount. So, it walked away from NSO. But not before running some attack attempts through US servers -- something that was inadvertently exposed by Facebook and WhatsApp in their lawsuit against NSO over the targeting of WhatsApp users. An exhibit declared NSO was using US servers to deliver malware, something that suggested NSO didn't care about its self-imposed restrictions on US targeting. In reality, it was the FBI and NSO running some tests on local applications of zero-click malware that happened to be caught by Facebook techies.

But there's more. Recent reports building on the NYT article contain statements that claim NSO approached service providers with (well, let's just say it) bribes to allow access to targets at a higher level that might mitigate some of the defensive efforts deployed by Facebook, Google, and Apple.

Here's what's been alleged in newer reports, like this one by Craig Timberg of the Washington Post:

The surveillance company NSO Group offered to give representatives of an American mobile-security firm “bags of cash” in exchange for access to global cellular networks, according to a whistleblower who has described the encounter in confidential disclosures to the Justice Department that have been reviewed by The Washington Post.

The mobile-phone security expert Gary Miller alleges that the offer came during a conference call in August 2017 between NSO Group officials and representatives of his employer at the time, Mobileum, a California-based company that provides security services to cellular companies worldwide. The NSO officials specifically were seeking access to what is called the SS7 network, which helps cellular companies route calls and services as their users roam the world, according to Miller.

Mobileum execs were (understandably) unsure how any of this was supposed to work in the unlikely event they were amenable to a foreign entity's requests for elevated access to US cellular networks. Fortunately, the NSO rep made it extremely clear how this was going to work, according to the whistleblower:

In Miller’s account to the Justice Department, when one of Mobileum’s representatives pointed out that security companies do not ordinarily offer services to surveillance companies and asked how such an arrangement would work, NSO co-founder Omri Lavie allegedly said, “We drop bags of cash at your office."

Simple enough. Except -- to quote C. Montgomery Burns -- at the end of the proposed transaction "the money and the very stupid man were still there." Mobileum execs say no such bribery took place -- not because NSO didn't offer it but because the company refused to accept the generous offer of extremely shady "bags of cash" from the Israeli malware maker.

NSO has its own explanation for these events, which is, basically: "It was a joke, probably."

In a statement through a spokesperson, Lavie said he did not believe he had made the remark. “No business was undertaken with Mobileum,” the statement said. “Mr Lavie has no recollection of using the phrase ‘bags of cash’, and believes he did not do so. However if those words were used they will have been entirely in jest.”

Hahahahahaaaa… here at the home of the zero-click exploit marketed to human rights violators we often joke about bribing tech companies to allow us more access to networks. Oh, our sides ache from the fun we have jesting about subverting networks to compromise targets of evil empires. Ell oh fucking ell.

Mobileum, on the other hand, says it has never done business with NSO and reported this proposed cash drop to the FBI in 2017 but never heard anything back from the agency. Two years later, the FBI was experimenting with NSO malware and trying to gauge the political and constitutional fallout of deploying unregulated malware against US citizens.

Even if NSO is to be believed, there's nothing good awaiting it on the US side of things. The Commerce Department has already blacklisted the company, destroying its ability to purchase US tech for the purpose of compromising it. And the Department of Justice has opened its own investigation into NSO, adding to its list of US-related woes.

NSO could have avoided all of this international attention by being more selective about who it sold to, and stripping customers of their licenses at the first hint of malfeasance. It didn't. And the fact that it may have been pressed into service as a malware-laden extension of the Israeli government's Middle East charm offensive isn't going to save it. NSO has to save itself but it lacks the tools to do so. Whatever it claims in defense of every reported allegation is presumed to be suspect, if not completely false. The reputation it has now is mostly earned. It made millions helping sketchy governments inflict further misery on citizens, dissidents, journalists, and political opponents. The company's honor is no longer presumed if, indeed, it ever was.

When it comes to silly trademark disputes, Apple has come up for discussion many, many times. The mega-corporation is a jealous defender of all of its IP, but most of our stories have focused on its disputes with companies that created logos that involve any sort of apple or other fruit. Sometimes it's not even companies that Apple is fighting with, but entire foreign political parties. The idea here is that when it comes to logos or trade dress, Apple appears to think that it owns all the apples.

But what about the word itself? Well, the company can get absurd at that level, too. For instance, Apple recently opposed the trademark application for a Ukrainian filmmaker's indie opus, entitled Apple-Man.

Apple in December filed an opposition with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office seeking to block Ukrainian director Vasyl Moskalenko’s trademark application for his indie project. The world’s most valuable company argues that viewers will mistakenly believe Apple-Man is associated with Apple and that the movie will dilute its brand.

“The Apple Marks are so famous and instantly recognizable that the similarities in Applicant’s Mark will overshadow any minor differences and cause the ordinary consumer to believe that Applicant is related to, affiliated with, or endorsed by Apple,” states the filing, which is embedded below. “Consumers are likely to assume, erroneously, that Applicant’s Mark is a further extension of the famous Apple brand.”

Alright, so let's stipulate the following right up front: Apple's trademark on its name is no doubt famous. That affords the company far more protection on that mark than your normal everyday trademark. One of the main differences, however, is that Apple can enforce the mark not only for customer confusion, but for things like tarnishment, if someone used the term in a way that could be seen as disparaging to Apple.

In the quote above, Apple is going the traditional confusion route in its opposition. But that's unbelievably silly. This is an indie film that nobody is going to associate with Apple. It's also, because it's a film, entitled to First Amendment protections that are almost certain to override any trademark concerns, particularly those as flimsy as Apple's.

Elsewhere, Apple argues for dilution.

Apple also argues the trademark, if granted, will “cause dilution of the distinctiveness of the famous Apple Marks by eroding consumers’ exclusive identification of the Apple Marks with Apple.”

But consumers don't have an exclusive identification of the Apple Marks with Apple. That should be obvious on its face. Lots of companies, for instance, use the term "Apple" in branding for... you know... apples. There have also been other films, more specifically, that make use of the word "apple" in their names. There is one called The Apple. And another called Apples. So what does Apple's lawyers see as the difference between those films use and Apple-Man? ¯\_(ツ)_/¯

Jeremy Eche of JPG Legal, who represents Moskalenko, argues “apple” isn’t a proprietary word and viewers won’t be misled by the movie.

“This is ridiculous,” he tells The Hollywood Reporter. “They really want to own the word ‘Apple’ in every industry.”

Eche contends Apple is a “trademark bully” exploiting the system.

Of that there can be little doubt. So why is Apple even bothering with any of this? Well, outside council is involved, so the term "billable hours" immediately leaps to mind. But Apple's history of trademark bullying also doesn't exactly preclude a haphazard and capricious enforcement of its trademarks. The lawyers saw this one, so they went after it.

And before anyone wants to jump in the comments and point out that Apple makes and provides film content via AppleTV and iTunes... don't. Doing so does not suddenly mean the company can keep a filmmaker from making a film that uses the word in its title, nor for trademarking the name of that film.

As you hopefully know, there are two main parts to the DMCA law that was passed in 1998. There's DMCA 512, which is what you hear about most of the time. That's the part that includes the rules for notice and takedown regimes for user uploaded content (among other things). It's got problems, but in its current form has also enabled many important services to exist. The other part, which is much more problematic, is DMCA 1201, which is the anti-circumvention rules -- or you could call it the "DRM" part of the law. This has no redeeming value whatsoever. Under 1201 basically any attempt to circumvent a "technological" protection measure, can be deemed infringing even if the underlying content is never infringed upon. This part of the law is not only not necessary, but it's drafted in a manner that has been regularly abused -- enabling everyone from printer manufacturers to garage door opener companies to argue that simple reverse engineering to create competition is "infringement."

In fact, everyone -- even the drafters of the DMCA -- knew that 1201 went too far and would lead to massive collateral damage. Rather than not passing such a bill, Congress came up with its "escape valve" which is the triennial review process, whereby every three years, the Librarian of Congress can magically declare which things are exempt from 1201. This has exempted a few classes of important use cases, but just the fact that (1) these uses need to be renewed every three years, and (2) that you have to ask for permission that can only be granted every 3 years for things that should be perfectly legal... is a problem.

Way back in 2016, EFF brought a case challenging the constitutionality of 1201 on behalf of computer security researcher/professor Matthew Green and hardware hacker Bunnie Huang, arguing that the DMCA 1201 liability suppressed their speech by stopping security research and beneficial hacking efforts. In 2019, a court dismissed much of the constitutional challenge, while allowing other parts of the case to move forward.

However, those constitutional questions are now on appeal and the EFF recently filed its opening brief. It's worth reading.

Some useful and worth reading amicus briefs have also been filed in the case. Copyright scholars Pam Samuelson and Rebecca Tushnet filed a fantastic brief:

The Tech Law & Policy clinic at Colorado Law highlighted how much damage 1201 and the triennial review process has done to accessibility, security, and right to repair:

And then there's an amicus brief from documentary film makers talking about how damaging 1201 has been to their own expression:

This isn't just an issue for big companies. This is about fundamental fair use rights of the public -- which Congress tossed away decades ago, and tried to pave over by insisting the Librarian of Congress could swoop in every 3 years and stop the most egregious attacks on free speech. But that's not how the 1st Amendment works.

Hopefully the court agrees.

We talk a lot about free speech in different countries, and about the history of free speech in the US — but what about the global history of this fundamental concept? A new book released today, Free Speech: A History from Socrates to Social Media by Jacob Mchangama, tackles exactly this subject in great and insightful detail. This week, Jacob joins us on the podcast to discuss the sweeping story of free speech throughout the ages and around the world.

Follow the Techdirt Podcast on Soundcloud, subscribe via Apple Podcasts, or grab the RSS feed. You can also keep up with all the latest episodes right here on Techdirt.

While Google's Stadia game streaming service arrived with a lot of promise, it generally landed with a disappointing thud. A limited catalog, deployment issues, and a quality that couldn't match current gen game consoles meant the service just never saw the kind of traction Google (or a lot of other people) originally envisioned. In the years since, developers have been consistently abandoning the platform, and Google has consistently sidelined the service, even shutting down its own development efforts as a parade of executives headed for the exists.

Now, Google is basically just selling the technology off to other companies eager to give video game streaming a go and succeed where Google couldn't.

In the last few months, Google executives have apparently been working on a plan to salvage some aspect of the project by selling Google Stadia tech to companies like Bungie and Peleton. In short, these companies will license the Google tech (now creatively named "Google Stream") for use in their own game streaming services called something entirely different. Google's first party Google Stadia service still exists for now, but it has been "deprioritized" within the company on the way to an inevitable, untimely death:

Unfortunately (for Google) Sony just bought Bungie for $3.6 billion, and already has its own streaming technologies and platforms that Bungie will likely use (Sony also leans on Microsoft's cloud technology). And while Google also has been working on a game streaming deal with AT&T, such "me too" type efforts from the telecom sector never quite amount to much. That leaves Peloton, which is being rumored as an acquisition target by Amazon, and isn't doing gaming so much as it's doing the gamification of exercise.

Somebody will dominate the game streaming space, but it's not going to be Google. While the Google technology certainly works well, the business plan was an unmitigated failure by any measure. And much like Google Fiber (which Google eventually got bored with and froze without ever really admitting to anybody that's what happened), Stadia will die without being formally declared as dead, having never seen even a fraction of its originally envisioned potential.

The UK's internet censorship bill rebranded from "Online Harms" to "Online Safety" last spring. The name change did nothing to limit the breadth of the bill, despite supposedly shifting the focus from "harm" to "safety." Whatever the name, it's still being touted by supporters as a fix for anything anyone doesn't like about the internet.

Speech will be policed. Lots of it. Everyone from megalithic Meta to the person running a niche message board will be subject to the new rules, which shifts liability from the posters of unwanted or illegal content to the third parties hosting it.

In order to find and remove content found on the ever-lengthening list of "bad" content (which, let's highlight again, includes legal content), platforms and services will have to perform more internal policing of content. This means that, in many cases, encryption for content and communications will no longer be a viable option. To comply with the law -- one that carries potential fines of up to 10% of a company's global revenues -- providers will have to remove end-to-end encryption so they can monitor communications between users.

The UK government isn't honest enough to call for the end of encryption. But it's willing to let attrition do its dirty work for it. The anti-encryption agitating continues, despite the UK government's Information Commissioner's Office telling the rest of the government that weakening or eliminating encryption will harm more children than it saves.

The bill marches forward, gathering even more speech-harming detritus. As CNBC reports, another round of UK government inquiries has resulted in the proposed law being made even worse.

The government said Friday that the bill will now include extra-priority provisions outlawing content that features revenge porn, drug and weapons dealing, suicide promotion and people smuggling, among other offences.

It will also target individuals who send online abuse and threats, with criminal sentences ranging up to five years.

Stuff that was already on the ban list has been given greater priority, aligning self-harm and drug dealing with the big baddies of "terroristic content" and child sexual abuse material. Online threats and "abuse" will get stiffer legal penalties.

But that's not all: there's more to add to the UK government's list of content it would like to treat as criminal acts.

The government said it is considering further recommendations, including specific offences such as sending unsolicited sexual images and trolling epilepsy sufferers, tackling paid-for scam advertising, and bringing forward criminal liability for senior company executives at the tech firms.

Every addition adds to the list of content that platforms and services must proactively monitor and remove. The addition of criminal liability for tech execs may seem like a crowd pleasing Guillotine 2.0, but in reality, it just means jailing people because their companies failed to achieve the impossible tasks the UK government has asked of them.

A lot of what's being added won't be easily detected by AI or human moderators -- certainly not proactively. Context matters but proactive monitoring means context will be ignored. The difference between revenge porn and regular porn isn't immediately and obviously clear. Pictures of guns or drugs are not necessarily promotional. And there are going to be some people in desperate need of help getting caught in the friction between talking about suicide and "suicide promotion."

It all sounds good when it's still on paper and reads like a blueprint for a trouble-free online existence. But it falls apart the moment you start asking questions about how this can be implemented without massively altering the contours of free speech in the UK and generating an incredible amount of collateral damage that may, in many cases, negatively affect the same vulnerable people the government believes this bill will protect.

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At the same time car companies are fighting the right to repair movement (and the state and federal legislation popping up everywhere), they're continuing the quest to turn everyday features -- like heated seats -- into something users have to pay a recurring fee for.

In 2019, BMW had to abandon a plan to charge $80 per year for Apple CarPlay. The company, having learned nothing, began floating the idea of charging a subscription for features back in 2020, when it proposed making heated seats and heated steering wheels something you pay a permanent monthly fee for. Last December, Toyota proposed imposing a monthly fee for customers who wanted to be able to remotely start their vehicles.

Each and every time these proposals come forward the consumer response is swift and overwhelmingly negative. But with $20 billion in annual additional potential revenue on the table between now and 2030, the industry seems poised to ignore consumers:

Keep in mind these are decisions being made during a pandemic when most households continue to struggle.

This sort of nickel-and-diming works well in the telecom sector where captive subscribers often can't switch to a different competitor. But in the auto space, companies risk opening the door to competitors gaining inroads by... not being nickel-and-diming assholes. Many companies may also be overestimating their own product quality; one JD Power survey found that 58% of people who use an automaker's smartphone app wouldn't be willing to pay for it. At the same time, as with gaming microtransactions, if enough people are willing to pay to make it worth it, it may not matter what the majority of car consumers think.

More troubling developments for both NSO Group and the country it calls home.

Less than a month ago, both entities found themselves in midst of another turbulent news cycle, thanks to reporting from Calcalist that showed Israel police were using NSO spyware to engage in domestic surveillance. Worse, the people targeted weren't just dangerous criminals or suspected terrorists.

Instead, like everywhere else NSO malware has been abused, Israeli police forces targeted activists protesting then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's CVOID restrictions, as well as mayors of Israeli cities. Also included on the list of hacking targets were former government employees and "a person close" to a senior politician. In some cases, the police used the malware to phish for information from targets' phones, all without any reasonable suspicion these targets may have committed criminal acts.

On top of all that, the police deployed the malware without direct or judicial oversight. Utilizing a loophole in the law, investigators avoided seeking court authorization for these hacking attempts.

There's more of that being discovered. The Israeli government is conducting its own investigation of NSO and the use of its spyware. That has resulted in the discovery of more questionable hacking.

Israel police used spyware to access data in the phone of an individual involved in the trial of former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a report said on Wednesday.

The hack, reported on Channel 13 News, was discovered by the Justice Ministry during its review of the police's use of the spyware.

This hacking -- like much of what was reported by Calcalist -- was also likely illegal.

The police reportedly claimed that the investigators never received the data, which was gathered against the police's procedures.

A failure to collect data is not the same thing as never engaging in illegal hacking at all, no matter how the police might try to spin this. The target of this attack still has yet to be identified, but the report contains a statement from the attorney representing Shaul and Iris Elovich, a couple accused of bribing Netanyahu.

There's also this tantalizing detail, which shows the police may have been lying in its earlier statement to Calcalist about every use of NSO malware being legal and authorized by the proper court paperwork.

In a brief statement that doesn't go into any specific cases, the police said “additional findings” from its internal probe “change in some ways” an earlier statement last month that ruled out any wrongdoing.

Hmm. Maybe don't offer up blanket statements when you have no other evidence but knee-jerk defensiveness when you've been caught with your hand in the domestic surveillance cookie jar. The only "way" the earlier statement could "change" at this point is to contain admissions of wrongdoing and illegal searches. That correction -- whenever it arrives -- is going to leave deep, self-inflicted bruises on the Israel Police.

We've been talking a bit about industry consolidation through mergers and acquisitions (M&As) in the video game industry as of late. The impetus for that discussion has been a series of high-profile acquisitions for several notable companies, namely Microsoft and Sony. Microsoft acquired Zenimax for $7 billion and Activision Blizzard King for a bonkers $69 billion recently, while Sony jumped into the game by acquiring Bungie for $3.6 billion. Of interest for these pages is the different approaches these companies have taken with these acquisitions. Microsoft hemmed and hawed about whether it would start building Microsoft exclusivity for products from its acquisitions, eventually landing on very much embracing exclusivity, while Sony took a much more hands-off approach and stated plainly that Bungie games would still be cross-platform. For those of us interested in digital and technology economies and business models, this is interesting stuff.

But there is a name missing here. The traditional "Big 3" in gaming has long been Microsoft, Sony, and Nintendo. Well, if you like real-world experiments when it comes to business strategies, this looks like it's going to get even more fascinating, as Nintendo is making noises about going an entirely different route.

While Xbox and Sony are entering an acquisition arms race, Nintendo isn’t so eager to snap up a slew of game studios. In a recent investors’ meeting, Nintendo president Shuntaro Furukawa was asked about acquiring game companies—a timely question, that’s for sure.

“Our brand was built upon products crafted with dedication by our employees, and having a large number of people who don’t possess Nintendo DNA in our group would not be a plus,” Furukawa replied, as reported by Bloomberg and Reuters.

Now, this shouldn't exactly come as a shock to anyone who knows the industry and how Nintendo operates. Whatever I might want to say in my series of posts about how "Nintendo hates you", the company has also built a successful business in the space that relies on first-party game titles and franchises compared with Sony and Microsoft. Whatever success those others have had, for instance, Microsoft and Sony simply don't have a version of the Super Mario Bros. franchise. Nintendo has several of these: Super Mario Bros., Zelda/Link, Star Fox, etc. So Nintendo has always been less reliant on 3rd party titles compared with its competitors.

But the open question is whether this more insular focus will work in the post-pandemic period where industry consolidation is not just for the video game industry, but for many others. The Harvard Business Review had a study released in 2021 that predicted what many others have as well: the mid- and post-pandemic economic space will be one that heavily incentivizes mergers and acquisitions. Consolidation is the order of the day/year.

So now we have three distinct strategies from the Big 3 of the video game industry: Microsoft will do M&As and try the exclusivity route, Sony will do M&As and be more open and permissive or cross-platform releases, and Nintendo will simply choose largely to not play this game at all.

At its core, Nintendo is not an enterprise built on corporate consolidation. It’s a company that makes hardware and games for said hardware. That is etched in its DNA.

And now we get to sit back and see how that works in a post-pandemic world.

Throughout the Trump administration, a lot of folks had absolutely no problem with the mindless rubber-stamps appointed to key regulatory positions. Ajit Pai, for example, couldn't have demonstrated regulatory capture any more clearly, rubber-stamping every idiotic whim of telecom monopolies at every conceivable opportunity (often with the help of fabricated data and fraud). Revolving door regulation and unqualified industry lackey appointments hit a fevered pitch not seen at any point in U.S. history, and at every step a long list of organizations and individuals made it abundantly clear they were fine with all of it.

Fast forward to Biden's efforts to replace some of these folks, and a lot of these same organizations and individuals that turned a blind eye to the worst aspects of Trumpism are now fanning their face about perceived conflicts of interest, "partisan politics," and all manner of hypocritical injustices.

See the intentionally gridlocked nomination of new FCC Commissioner Gigi Sohn, for example. Sohn is popular across both sides of the aisle and, whatever you think of her positions and politics, highly competent. Yet her nomination has been stuck in congressional purgatory for months thanks to completely false claims ranging from she wants to "censor conservatives," to laughable claims from revolving door cable lobbyists that her history as an expert on consumer advocacy means she can't regulate telecom fairly. All coming from industry folks who don't actually believe anything they're saying.

The same gamesmanship is also imperiling the nomination of Alvaro Bedoya to the FTC. Bedoya is a professor and founding Director of Georgetown Law’s Center on Privacy & Technology and is widely respected. Whatever one thinks of Bedoya's politics and positions, there's no real doubt that he's competent and qualified for the role. But companies that don't really want competent, objective regulators have been working overtime to smear Bedoya in the same way they're working to smear Sohn. Usually through proxy groups and think tanks they funnel money, and then flimsy arguments, to.

For example the "American Consumer Institute Center for Citizen Research" is not really a consumer group. It's one of countless 501(c)(3) nonprofits corporations covertly fund, and use to create the illusion of broad support (or opposition) for/to things big companies want. For example the American Consumer Institute was paid by telecom to scuttle FCC oversight of telecom monopolies, yet pretended to just be an objective organization giving an honest, objective opinion.

The group is also popping up in the attacks against Bedoya, attempting to frame him as some kind of radical. Usually, because he's (gasp) levied accurate criticisms at the actually radical modern Trump GOP:

Believing that Donald Trump is racist and terrible is not a disqualifying character flaw. And, of course, groups like the American Consumer Institute don't really care about "hyper-partisanship," "extreme advocacy," or anybody being called out for racism. They're trying to squash Bedoya's nomination because the companies they're aligned with don't want the FTC or FCC ramping up consumer protection and antitrust reform. If they can't scuttle the nominations, they hope to delay both the FCC and FTC from having working voting majorities for as long as possible.

It's not serious policy opinion, it's the kind of bad faith, theatrical proxy, rat fuckery that's been the norm in DC for more than 20 years. Despite this, the press still can't really help itself and will also quote and amplify groups like this as if they're actually objective, well-intentioned observers, and not, say, rat fucking propagandists for hire.