Aggregator
Florissant Teams up with Citian for Infrastructure Scanning plan
City of Florissant Launches Citywide Infrastructure Scanning Initiative to Improve Sidewalks, Streets, and ADA Accessibility The City of Florissant announced a partnership with Citian, a transportation software company founded by Professional Engineers, to conduct a comprehensive citywide assessment of the City’s public right-of-way infrastructure. Working alongside NV5, a national engineering and technology firm coordinating the […]
The post Florissant Teams up with Citian for Infrastructure Scanning plan appeared first on flovalleynews.com.
Sultan: Can a song change Enterprise's mind about ICE? These St. Louisans hope so.
Enterprise chairman Andy Taylor boosts campaign to renew St. Louis' 1% earnings tax
Kalshi and Polymarket are skirting laws on sports betting, states say
After positive January, latest job report shows losses again
Family mourns man strangled by girlfriend. 'Justice should be meaningful'
Supporting New Moms, Part One
Best fish I've had since moving from Florida. They've got a food truck set up on Manchester in Maplewood.
Anthropic’s Statement To The ‘Department Of War’ Reads Like A Hostage Note Written In Business Casual
Daily Deal: The Ultimate Microsoft Office Professional 2021 for Windows License + Windows 11 Pro Bundle
A judge finally called a newsroom raid what it is
When a judge orders a journalist not to publish a story, everyone recognizes it as a prior restraint — the most serious First Amendment violation there is, according to the Supreme Court, and one that has never been allowed against the press. But when the government kicks down a reporter’s door and walks out with computers, or seizes a news photographer’s camera at a protest, that’s often seen as something different.
It’s not. In both cases, the reporter is left unable to publish news, which is the exact harm that the prohibition on prior restraints seeks to avoid. Magistrate Judge William Porter’s February order restricting how prosecutors could search materials seized from Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson recognizes this reality. Porter treated the seizure of her devices, containing terabytes of data, source communications, and works in progress, as a prior restraint — a recognition long overdue, and one that courts have been notably reluctant to make explicit.
We’ve been critical of other aspects of Porter’s order. He should have required that Natanson’s materials be returned outright and should have sanctioned prosecutors for omitting the Privacy Protection Act of 1980 — a law that prohibits exactly this kind of raid in most circumstances — from their warrant application. He admitted the Trump administration has a track record of falsely claiming national security threats, but deferred to them anyway. But at least he framed the issue correctly before his anticlimactic conclusion.
There’s actually an argument that seizures are worse than orders not to publish. Traditional prior restraints are so nakedly unconstitutional that news outlets sometimes opt to just ignore them, dare the court to hold a journalist in contempt of court for reporting the news, and publish anyway. That happened in Colorado, where a reporter from BusinessDen defied an order to return court records the court itself had released. The judge backed down.
But you can’t choose to ignore a seizure and risk contempt. When the FBI has your hard drives, you don’t have the option of printing the story anyway.
Plus, a traditional prior restraint targets specific information that the government claims (almost always falsely) poses some kind of extraordinary threat, the most famous example being the Pentagon Papers. A seizure of a modern journalist’s devices captures everything from stories in progress to research notes to contacts, most of which have nothing to do with whatever law enforcement is investigating. The seizure of Natanson’s materials likely killed far more stories than any targeted court order ever could have, which also increases the potential chilling effect among other journalists’ worried about losing not just one scoop, but all of their hard work, by publishing materials that upset the government.
The seizure of Natanson’s materials likely killed far more stories than any targeted court order ever could have.
Florida journalist Tim Burke faced the same predicament. Agents raided his Tampa home in 2023 and walked out with essentially every piece of equipment in his newsroom. The seized data included reporting that had nothing to do with his purported crime of violating computer fraud laws by publishing newsworthy information (outtakes of Tucker Carlson’s interview with Ye, formerly Kanye West, where the recording artist went on antisemitic rants) that he found on an unencrypted website.
The seizure was, for all intents and purposes, an indefinite prior restraint on his First Amendment right to report and publish newsworthy information. The government prevented Burke from reporting for more than nine months before even indicting him. Then the indictment sought forfeiture of his computers, claiming that his reporting in progress was criminal “contraband,” an argument the government is now floating in Natanson’s case as well.
The raid of the Marion County Record is another example. Police in Kansas walked out with computers, phones, and reporting materials, forcing the newspaper to pivot in order to publish its next edition on time. It makes little difference to the impacted journalists whether the government says “you can’t publish this” or “you no longer have what you want to publish.”
Less dramatic infringements can have the same effect — journalists covering civil unrest, for example, might be working with a single phone or camera. Seizure of those devices stops them from publishing their coverage (and potentially exposes their sources) just like a newsroom raid. The latter are relatively rare, but the former happens all the time.
Porter is not the first to recognize this dynamic. The Supreme Court has said that seizures of materials protected by the First Amendment run “the risk of prior restraint” and can’t be justified by probable cause alone. As one federal appellate court put it, “The government need not ban a protected activity … if it can simply proceed upstream and dam the source.”
But the judge may be the first to put it so plainly in the newsgathering context. He deserves credit for understanding the constitutional implications of silencing Natanson and not shying away from expanding the legal concept of “prior restraints” to seizures of electronics that the courts that developed that jurisprudence decades ago could never have anticipated. Maybe next time, he’ll follow through with the right remedy — ordering the immediate return of all the seized materials and sanctioning the prosecutors who took them under false pretenses.
Watch trailer for upcoming ‘The Rise of the Red Hot Chili Peppers: Our Brother, Hillel’ documentary
The Who’s Pete Townshend takes the Colbert Questionert
New York Attorney General Is Investigating Columbia for Allowing Predatory Doctor to See Patients Despite Warnings
Illinois 203 Lane Closures Announced for St. Clair County
Check out the opening of Surrealism @ Soulard Art Gallery tonight 7-9pm! ft. my first photo featured in a local gallery
Dutchtown is ending their Flock contact as concerns about data sharing with ICE circulate
Press must be transparent about wartime censorship
Dear Friend of Press Freedom,
The U.S.-Israeli war in Iran, all parties to which have abysmal recent records on press freedom, is sure to bring an escalation in censorship and retaliation against journalists. That makes it a perfect time (as it has been for over a century) to reform the Espionage Act, one of the primary weapons the government uses to stifle whistleblowing and war reporting. Read on for more.
The public deserves to know when Iran war reporting is stifled
Journalists covering the U.S. and Israel’s new war on Iran should be telling their audiences not only what they know but what they were prevented from finding out, and by whom.
That doesn’t just mean an occasional editorial bemoaning threats to press freedom. Those are valuable, but on their own, they turn speech suppression into a side issue. With an unprecedented censorship infrastructure surrounding this war, it’s anything but that. Freedom of the Press Foundation (FPF) Chief of Advocacy Seth Stern wrote about why reporting should include acknowledgment and explanation of how censorship impacts what the public sees and reads in each story.
Florida should not get its own mini-CIA
If Florida enacts House Bill 945, it will create a national first — a CIA-style structure at the state level that blurs the traditional line between state law enforcement and intelligence work. And it likely wouldn’t remain a local experiment. Red states often borrow aggressively from one another’s policy playbooks, on everything from gerrymandering to anti-abortion laws to transporting immigrants to Democratic-led states.
Stern, along with FPF’s Daniel Ellsberg Chair on Government Secrecy Lauren Harper and Florida First Amendment Foundation Executive Director Bobby Block, wrote for The Guardian that state-level intelligence offices empowered to scrutinize residents based on ideology are sure to be used against journalists.
A judge finally called a newsroom raid what it is
When a judge orders a journalist not to publish a story, everyone recognizes it as a prior restraint — the most serious First Amendment violation there is, according to the Supreme Court, and one that has never been allowed against the press. But when the government kicks down a reporter’s door and walks out with computers, or seizes a news photographer’s equipment at a protest, that’s often seen as something different.
It’s not — in both cases, the reporter is left unable to publish news, which is the harm that the prohibition on prior restraints seeks to avoid. Magistrate Judge William Porter’s February order restricting how prosecutors could search materials seized from Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson recognizes this reality by treating the seizure of her materials, containing terabytes of data, source communications, and works in progress, as a prior restraint. We’ve been critical of other aspects of Porter’s order but he at least deserves credit for that.
Assange case coming back to bite ‘conventional’ journalists
For years we warned that the Espionage Act prosecution of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, started by the first Trump administration and shamefully continued by the Biden administration, would lead to attacks on more conventional reporters, regardless of official claims that Assange wasn’t really a journalist so the press needn’t worry.
In the past two months, the federal government and its defenders have used the Assange case to normalize and defend everything from seizing Natanson’s devices in violation of federal law to accusing journalist Seth Harp of illegally “leaking” identities of government officials. FPF Executive Director Trevor Timm explained this troubling trend in a video (and we’ve got plenty of other great video content on YouTube).
Help our SecureDrop team make our lives online more secure
WEBCAT, a new software tool under development at FPF, has just entered alpha testing. The goal of the project is to allow web browsers to verify the origin of code before they run it. By guarding against hacked web servers, WEBCAT aims to make our lives online more secure.
We invite adventurous web users to try out our Firefox browser extension, and web application developers to experiment with our new decentralized web domain enrollment system.
What we’re reading Nashville reporter who has detailed ICE activity detained in South Nashville stop Nashville BannerWe don’t yet know if Estefany Rodríguez’s detention was in retaliation for her reporting, but we certainly wouldn’t be surprised. Immigration and Customs Enforcement abductions of immigrant journalists take the reporters best equipped to cover the agency’s activities off the beat.
Photographer indicted after Minnesota church protest coverage U.S. Press Freedom TrackerJunn Bollmann is the latest journalist charged for covering the same church protest that prompted the Trump administration’s outrageous arrests of Don Lemon and Georgia Fort. The Justice Department will likely lose these cases, and the journalists should sue.
Chicago appeals court vacates judge’s use-of-force injunction on immigration agents Chicago TribuneThe 7th Circuit has apparently decided it’s in the business of correcting “injustices” no one asked it to correct. The one it chose to start with? An already dismissed order restraining violent immigration agents from assaulting journalists.
Prairieland ICE shooting trial jury gets closer look at ‘antifa’ materials defendants owned KERA News“Zines are really like this little atomic unit of freedom of the press with simple pamphlets that you just pass around. It begs the question of whether the prosecution believes that we should have a First Amendment in the first place,” said Lydia Koza, wife of defendant Autumn Hill. Also, read our 2025 op-ed on how the federal case in Texas threatens press freedom.
Some of the best news stories start with a public records request PoynterNearly everything is fair game for a records request at public universities, “even the amount of money dining halls spend on ranch dressing,” write student journalists for Michigan State University’s The State News.
The New York Times takes the Pentagon to court Columbia Journalism ReviewThe Pentagon’s media policy is “unconstitutional, but ... what they say after the fact makes their arguments even worse,” Timm said. They “admitted that they don’t care if people break this as long as they agree with them.”
Use our action center to tell Congress to pass Rep. Tlaib’s bill to fix the arcane and dangerous Espionage Act so the government can no longer treat whistleblowers and journalists like enemy spies.
stLouIST