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Opinion: Make public education a key industry for Missouri

2 years 2 months ago

Amidst a worsening teacher shortage, with 40.5% of the state’s educators leaving their school districts after three years, last fall’s Teacher Recruitment and Retention Blue Ribbon Commission recommended, among other steps, increasing salary and tuition assistance. Yet in the recently wrapped legislative session, the Missouri Senate failed to act on the House’s bill to raise the state’s minimum teacher salary from […]

The post Opinion: Make public education a key industry for Missouri appeared first on Missouri Independent.

Peter Gariepy

DOT Researchers Suggested a Way to Make Big Trucks Safer. After Meeting With Lobbyists, Agency Officials Rejected the Idea.

2 years 2 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

“America’s Dangerous Trucks” is part of a collaborative investigation from FRONTLINE and ProPublica. The documentary premiered on June 13, 2023, and is available to stream in the PBS App and on FRONTLINE’s website.

In 2017, researchers at the U.S. Department of Transportation embarked on a project aimed at making America’s roads less dangerous.

They were concerned over the rising number of pedestrians and cyclists killed in collisions with trucks, which claim the lives of several hundred people every year.

The research team decided to focus on a safety device called a side guard, which is designed to reduce the hazards posed by large commercial trucks.

Made of plastic, aluminum or steel, the guards hang between the truck’s front and rear wheels, preventing pedestrians and cyclists from tumbling beneath the vehicles and getting crushed. The guards are required on trucks in dozens of countries, but they aren’t in wide use in the U.S.

When the researchers drafted their report, they included a key suggestion: The DOT should craft federal regulations requiring side guards.

A light side guard meant to prevent pedestrians or cyclists from sliding beneath a truck. A more robust side guard meant to prevent cars from sliding under a trailer. (Illustrations by Matt Twombly)

But that recommendation generated intense resistance, both internally, from department officials who challenged their findings, and externally, from trucking industry lobbyists.

Over the span of at least six months, DOT officials repeatedly discussed the ongoing research with representatives of the nation’s largest trade group for trucking companies, the American Trucking Associations. And the ATA repeatedly pressured them to alter the report.

After meeting with the ATA in December 2018, the department supervisor overseeing the project had a very direct message for the researchers. “PLEASE delete any mention of a recommendation to develop … any regulation,” he wrote in an email. “An industry standard is acceptable, but no mention of ‘regulation.’”

The industry objections resulted in a remarkable concession from the department: It allowed trucking company lobbyists to review the researchers’ preliminary report and provide comments on it.

By the time of its release in 2020, the report had been dramatically rewritten, stripped of its key conclusions — including the need to federally mandate side guards — and cut down by nearly 70 pages.

ProPublica and FRONTLINE used interviews, agency emails, meeting notes, copies of drafts and other documents to reconstruct how the report was transformed. The ATA’s ability to secretly shape government research highlights the cozy relationship between the federal officials tasked with keeping our roads safe and the trucking companies they oversee.

Quon Kwan was the DOT supervisor who oversaw the project. In an interview, he told ProPublica and FRONTLINE he regretted his role in watering down the researchers’ report. He said the department’s deference to the trucking industry ultimately contributed to his retirement in 2019.

“The red tape and politics got so bad that I couldn’t do my dedicated mission work,” Kwan said. “When your management tells you to jump, the expected response is, ‘How high?’”

On June 13, ProPublica and FRONTLINE detailed the industry’s fight against a different, heavier side guard — one designed to prevent cars and other passenger vehicles from getting wedged beneath large commercial trucks during roadway collisions. Federal regulators have been aware of these deadly incidents, called underride crashes, for decades but have taken few measures to stop them.

In a statement, the DOT said its officials had thoroughly reviewed the researchers’ report on the lighter side guards for pedestrians and cyclists, which are also known as lateral protective devices.

“Based on the lack of data to support a regulation on lateral protective devices, NHTSA suggested that the report not include a recommendation to require these devices on trucks and trailers,” said the statement, referring to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, the DOT agency that sets the safety standards for all cars and trucks on American roads.

Regarding the question of whether the ATA had exerted pressure to change the researchers’ report, the DOT said, “The report was issued based on the best data and research available at the time. Outside influence was not a contributing factor.”

Dan Horvath, the ATA’s vice president of safety policy, acknowledged that the group discussed side guards with the department. “ATA spends a great deal of time interacting with our regulators, including soliciting updates about their activities, providing feedback on research and potential rules so we can educate our members,” said Horvath in an emailed statement.

He did not respond to a direct question about the ATA’s role in revising the report.

The DOT’s Volpe Center, where the researchers who produced the report are based, did not directly respond to requests for comment.

As the report was going through its long and painful gestation, 20-year-old Robyn Hightman, who used they/them pronouns, was cycling 400 miles from Charlottesville, Virginia, to New York City. They’d won the attention of a couple of professional bike teams there and were leaving college to go pro. Hightman got a job as a bicycle messenger to pay bills.

Robyn Hightman during a bike ride in New York City in 2019 (Courtesy of Jay Hightman)

On June 24, 2019, their second day on the job, Hightman was making their first delivery, just a short ride from the Empire State Building. As they pedaled north in the right lane on Sixth Avenue, a parked cab merged into traffic. According to legal filings, Hightman swerved left, but was sandwiched between the taxi and a truck that was in the next lane. Hightman fell beneath the truck and was killed.

Four years later, Hightman’s father is still pushing for side guard regulations that he believes could save families from suffering as he has. But Jay Hightman said he was surprised to find he wasn’t just fighting the trucking industry, but also the federal government, which has appeared impervious to the pleas of victims’ families.

“Those with the biggest voice lobby against us because it’s too expensive to change the status quo,” he said. “But that’s not a responsible or reasonable way for our government to solve this real issue of traffic violence in our country. Robyn was crushed by the rear wheels of the truck. If there had been a sufficient side guard, she probably would be alive today.”

First image: Jay Hightman sits on the stoop of the apartment where Robyn lived before moving to New York. Second image: Loved ones have left messages on Robyn’s ghost bike in Richmond, Virginia.

A pair of tragedies in Portland, Oregon, sparked interest in side guards there.

In 2007, two cyclists died in separate crashes involving heavy trucks — one was killed by a cement mixing truck, the other by a garbage truck. The deaths prompted the city to launch a pilot program, equipping about a dozen municipal trucks with lightweight side guards.

Cities across the country began to take action, with New York, Chicago, Boston and Washington, D.C., passing ordinances. The new laws generally required the installation of the safety devices on city-owned trucks or heavy vehicles under contract with the city, such as trash trucks.

In 2017, the DOT researchers, based at the Volpe Center in Cambridge, Massachusetts, began studying side guards. The goal, according to a DOT document, was “to examine the safety benefits, costs, and feasibility” of installing the guards on more trucks across the country. The researchers aimed to “develop actionable industry and policy recommendations” that would benefit pedestrians, cyclists and other people who are especially vulnerable in collisions with trucks.

The research team — which included engineers, economists and urban planners — took a look at the global picture and began gathering information.

Dozens of countries have side guard requirements meant to protect pedestrians and cyclists. Japan first mandated them in 1979. In 1986, the United Kingdom did too. Two years later, the United Nations adopted an international side guard standard that was ratified by 43 countries and the European Union. China, Peru, Brazil and Australia have all passed regulations in the decades since.

The DOT researchers dug into 11 studies that have been done on the effectiveness of side guards in preventing deaths or injuries. The “majority of these presented evidence that side guards are effective,” wrote the researchers in the draft report.

For example, after the U.K. adopted side guard requirements, researchers observed a significant drop in the percentage of fatalities caused by collisions between cyclists and trucks traveling in the same direction, according to a 2010 study by the British nonprofit Transport Research Laboratory.

Eventually, the team made several suggestions. Among them: The DOT should work with the industry to write standards for side guards and the department should consider mandating them on heavy trucks.

In July 2018, Kwan met over video with leaders of the trucking industry gathered at the ATA’s Washington, D.C., headquarters. He told them that researchers were considering recommending side guard regulations.

The news did not go over well with the ATA, which represents America’s largest haulers, including major companies like UPS, Amazon and FedEx, which operate a mix of smaller delivery trucks and massive 18-wheelers.

After the meeting, Kwan emailed the team. “We had some heated feedback from ATA,” he wrote. “ATA was wondering how we are going to word our recommendations in the final report. They are extremely concerned about any recommendation for side guards on over-the-road, long-haul trucks that do not spend much time in the city.”

The fleet owners, Kwan noted in his email, “are very concerned about their cost, and they question the safety benefits of side guards on such trucks. They raised the issue that pedestrians and cyclists have no business being on highways,” where those trucks do most of their driving.

The feedback wasn’t entirely negative, according to Kwan. “On the other hand, they can see the need for side guards on trucks that spend most of their time in the city on city streets.”

Still, ATA leaders were concerned about any recommendations the DOT might make on side guards. They argued that such suggestions from the government might be used as a “weapon” in lawsuits filed against trucking companies.

Kwan was conciliatory, promising the group that “we would allow them to review a draft of the final report before publication.”

Martin Walker advised Kwan and the researchers on the side guard report in his role as chief of research at the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, the DOT agency that licenses and monitors trucking companies.

“The industry holds a lot of sway on what rules get made, and they all hate the idea of additional rules,” said Walker, who retired in 2019. “Unfortunately, the public doesn’t have much impact on what DOT does. But there’s a very close relationship with industry, there’s no doubt about that.”

In the months after the July meeting, the ATA continued to try to influence the researchers’ conclusions.

DOT emails show that Kwan continued to chat with lobbyists about the report. That fall, he reiterated his offer to allow them to provide input on the draft report.

“As I promised, ATA will be given a chance to review and provide comments on the draft,” Kwan wrote to Ross Froat, then an executive with the ATA, on Nov. 13, 2018.

Froat wanted to know if the ATA’s input would be made public. “Will these be private comments?” he asked.

Kwan reassured him. “The public will not see your comments,” Kwan’s email promised.

On the morning of Dec. 19, 2018, three ATA representatives joined a conference call with Kwan and another DOT official to discuss the group’s suggestions on the report.

During the call, the ATA described side guards as “band-aid” solutions when there’s “less burdensome technology available,” such as electronic sensors that can keep a truck from making a dangerous lane change, according to meeting notes obtained by ProPublica and FRONTLINE. The lobbyists also noted that trucking companies “already spend $10 billion on safety technology” each year.

Kwan reassured the industry. He told them the transportation department “was not planning to regulate,” meeting notes show.

Drafts of a report by Volpe Center researchers before (left) and after government officials assured industry lobbyists that the report would not include any regulatory recommendations.

After the December meeting, Kwan sent his message urging the researchers to delete any mention of new regulations.

He ended with a plea: “My office director is emphatic about this.” Kwan’s boss was Steven Smith, who was then a director at the FMCSA, the trucking regulator. Smith did not respond to a request for comment.

Kwan told ProPublica and FRONTLINE that he’d never been asked to offer such deference to industry in his two decades of working for the department. “Normally we don’t give ATA an opportunity to review and provide comments on any of our reports,” he said.

The researchers also faced opposition from within the DOT.

Shashi Kuppa, a career official with NHTSA, became heavily involved in rewriting the report. Internal documents show that she removed key language from the final document, arguing that side guards would cost too much and would not save many lives.

Kuppa and other NHTSA officials reviewed the draft report and challenged the researchers’ conclusions. Kuppa and her colleagues believed installing the guards would cost $600 to $4,500 for each vehicle and would save a maximum of 18 lives annually.

She concluded the expense was not worth it, given the low number of lives saved.

The Volpe Center report was “bogus” and based on third-party research, she told ProPublica and FRONTLINE.

But the DOT researchers saw it quite differently. They responded with their own analysis.

DOT data doesn’t track how many people are killed by falling beneath large trucks. But the researchers examined the available data to come up with some estimates. They found that about 125 pedestrians and cyclists die each year in crashes in which side guards would be relevant. By their calculations, side guards had the potential to save the lives of up to 52 of those people, far more than Kuppa had estimated, according to DOT documents reviewed by ProPublica and FRONTLINE.

Looking at data from several U.S. side guard manufacturers, the researchers concluded the guards would cost $440 to $1,850 per truck, well below the top end of the range given by Kuppa and her colleagues.

In May 2020, the DOT published its final version of the report. It was 66 pages, about half the length of the draft. And it contained no recommendations at all — none directed toward the trucking industry and none aimed at federal regulators. It bore little resemblance to the researchers’ earlier work.

One traffic safety advocate said the report confirmed his suspicions about the relationship between the DOT and industry.

“Crash victims and survivors have long felt that the Department of Transportation is overly deferential to the interests of industry relative to improving safety outcomes,” said Zach Cahalan, executive director of the Truck Safety Coalition. “Truck safety outcomes have never been worse and we need DOT to do everything in its power to reduce truck crash deaths and injuries.”

Kuppa, who is still with NHTSA, downplayed her role in revising the research. In an interview, she described herself as a “worker bee” who is “very passionate” about road safety.

“I feel bad for the cities that have made legal requirements for side guards,” she said, arguing that most pedestrians are killed in accidents involving the front of cars and pickups, not the sides of large trucks. She said NHTSA had “limited resources” and is pursuing more cost-effective solutions to prevent pedestrians and cyclists from being injured or killed.

“I do not have a relationship with anyone at the ATA,” Kuppa said.

In a statement, the DOT said Kuppa “never spoke to anyone from the trucking industry about the report” or about the decision to eliminate the researchers’ recommendation for a side guard regulation.

By 2020, NHTSA’s top official had gotten involved with the side guard issue.

The Volpe Center maintained a webpage with data about pedestrian and cyclist fatalities, a list of side guard vendors and cities where devices were being used.

But the page was taken offline at the direction of James Owens, then NHTSA’s acting administrator, an appointee of President Donald Trump.

In an email dated Jan. 24, 2020, a Volpe researcher wrote to staff, misspelling Owens’ last name: “James Owen called regarding our side guard web page which he wants taken down.” The reason? An activist named Marianne Karth was “citing that website to pressure NHTSA to take some regulatory action on the matter,” the email said.

The page was pulled down within weeks, and it remained down for the duration of the Trump administration, one source said. Volpe has since put the information back online. Owens, who left government in 2021, did not respond to a request for comment.

Stephen Bingham is disgusted by all of this.

In 2009, Bingham’s daughter, Sylvia Bingham, 22, was cycling to her job at a nonprofit organization in Cleveland that helps women find jobs in the construction and energy fields. It was her first job since graduating college.

But she didn’t make it to the office. She was killed on her commute.

According to court records, Sylvia Bingham was biking toward a four-way intersection. Next to her was a box truck headed the same direction. When the truck driver didn’t signal a turn, she pedaled forward. The driver swung right, striking her. The impact forced her under the vehicle, smashing her skull, ribs, abdomen and pelvis.

Stephen Bingham and his wife, Françoise Blusseau, lost their daughter, Sylvia Bingham, in 2009 when, as she biked to work, she was hit by a truck. First image: Family photos of Sylvia Bingham as a baby and at her high school graduation. Second image: Since his daughter’s death, Stephen Bingham has campaigned for federal rules requiring trucks to have side guards and has joined bike safety organizations.

Stephen Bingham would like to see side guards on vehicles like the one that killed his daughter. It’s become something of a crusade for him.

But after learning about how the trucking industry was able to influence the DOT’s report, he’s become deeply skeptical of the federal safety apparatus.

“It’s hard to trust this process when the government’s been so disingenuous for so long,” said Bingham, whose dining room walls are adorned with art, including paintings done by his only child. “As long as industry profits come first, I fear this process will remain rigged.”

Do You Work for the Federal Government? ProPublica Wants to Hear From You.

Julia Ingram of FRONTLINE contributed reporting.

by Kartikay Mehrotra, ProPublica, and A.C. Thompson, ProPublica and FRONTLINE, photography by Amy Osborne for ProPublica

Q&A: Charleston’s Coming Storm

2 years 2 months ago
Harvard Law professor Susan Crawford dissects how the South Carolina city ignores its Black residents and its climate realities.
Gabrielle Gurley

The Biotech Edge: How Executives and Well-Connected Investors Make Exquisitely Timed Trades in Health Care Stocks

2 years 2 months ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

The case was a bold step for the Securities and Exchange Commission.

In 2021, the agency accused Matthew Panuwat of insider trading. Five years earlier, he had learned that his own company, a biopharma operation called Medivation, was about to get acquired. But instead of buying shares in his employer, he bought options in a competitor whose stock could be expected to rise on the news. The agency says he made $107,000 in illicit profits.

For the first and so far only time, the SEC filed a case that accuses an executive of using secret information from his own company to trade in the stock of a rival. “Biopharmaceutical industry insiders frequently have access to material nonpublic information” that impacts both their company and “other companies in the industry,” Gurbir Grewal, the commission’s director of enforcement, warned in announcing the case. “The SEC is committed to detecting and pursuing illegal trading in all forms.”

One of the cornerstones of the agency’s case against Panuwat is that Medivation had a policy that explicitly barred employees from buying or selling competitors’ stock based on company information not available to ordinary investors.

It wasn’t just Panuwat who risked violating Medivation’s policy, a trove of confidential IRS data obtained in recent years by ProPublica shows.

It was also his then-boss, CEO David Hung.

The records show Hung traded frequently in the stock and options of pharmaceutical companies, betting tens of millions of dollars on the rise or fall of shares of dozens of such firms, some of which were direct competitors with his company. Several of his trades came just before news about a rival that he could have learned about in his position as CEO. In one case, he traded ahead of news he personally announced.

The size of Hung’s trades dwarfs those that got his subordinate, who has denied any wrongdoing, in the crosshairs of the SEC.

Hung’s spokesperson acknowledged the CEO has learned nonpublic information about competitors, but denied that information ever informed any of his dozens of trades.

Earlier this year, ProPublica revealed that some executives with access to nonpublic industry information had made remarkably well-timed transactions in the securities of their direct competitors and partner companies. Securities law experts said many of the trades, which in some instances rapidly delivered millions of dollars in profit, warranted examination by regulators. The transactions ranged across sectors: from energy to toys, paper products to mortgage servicers.

But one industry stood out for both its frequency and variety of questionable trades: biotech and other relatively small health care enterprises such as medical device makers and drug companies. Dozens of wealthy executives and well-connected investors reported superbly timed stock trades in such companies, including in businesses they competed with or had personal ties to.

ProPublica has analyzed millions of transactions documented in the tax records of the wealthiest taxpayers, including many of the nation’s top business leaders. A high proportion of these trades involved plain vanilla investments, with long-term holdings of blue chip stocks and the like. But a minority of the transactions displayed what experts say are hallmarks of potentially suspicious trading.

Finding well-timed trades was only a starting point for ProPublica’s analysis. We then scrutinized transactions that occurred just before market-moving news, particularly those that represented a departure from an investor’s previous investing pattern, because they either had hardly if ever traded a particular company's stock, were trading an unusually high dollar amount or were making use of risky options for the first time. We examined whether those people had any possible nonpublic means of obtaining information about the companies whose stock rose or fell at an opportune moment. We provided anonymized descriptions of these trades to academics, former prosecutors and former SEC officials, and focused on those they said should have garnered the attention of regulators.

Among the notable examples:

The chairman of a biotech company bought shares in a corporate partner just as the partner was reaching the final stages of secret negotiations to be purchased.

The chairman of a bone health company made aggressive bets on a medical technology firm run by an adviser to his board just before its sales took off, netting him $29 million in a series of options trades.

A wealthy investor with ties to a niche area of cancer research personally traded, for the first time ever, in a company in that sector just before it was taken over. He bought high-risk options that earned him a quick $1 million in profit.

An information edge can be lucrative in any industry, but especially so in the health care sector. Many of its companies are built around only one or a handful of products, making their shares particularly volatile and ripe for profit by investors with inside knowledge. Biotechs and other up-and-comers face clear make-or-break moments: Clinical trials, signals from regulators or takeover rumors can cause wild swings in share prices.

Since beginning to report on our massive trove of IRS records in 2021, ProPublica has analyzed the data and used it as the basis for a series of articles, The Secret IRS Files, that reveal the many ways in which the tax code favors the rich and how the ultrawealthy exploit those advantages.

The IRS data also included millions of records of wealthy taxpayers’ stock and options trades, provided by the brokerages that handled the trades. While the SEC routinely reviews stock trading data from brokers and exchanges, the agency does not have access to IRS data, which in many ways is more comprehensive. (A spokesperson for the SEC declined to comment for this article.)

The securities experts said there is no fixed definition of what makes a trade suspicious and worthy of further investigation. A propitious trade for a relatively small amount, for example, might still warrant scrutiny if the investor has a tie to the company. One excellently timed trade is less noteworthy if the investor frequently trades in that security. A trade with a modest return could still be problematic if it came before news the investor knew about in advance or set in motion. And even if a trader’s investment strategy in a stock wasn’t ultimately successful, a single lucrative trade could still be deemed illegal.

The experts interviewed by ProPublica about the trading patterns examined in this story said that while each should trigger closer scrutiny from regulators, the question of whether they would lead to any action would depend on a host of additional factors. They noted that stock trades are generally deemed to violate insider trading laws only when multiple elements are met. The trader must have had information, not yet publicly known, that would affect the company’s share price. And the trader, or the person who provided the tip, must have had a duty not to disclose the information or use it for personal benefit.

ProPublica’s records give no indication as to why investors made particular trades or what information they possessed. The wealthy investors named in this story either denied their trades were improper or did not comment.

The personal trading policy for Medivation, the multibillion-dollar company Hung ran, was particularly explicit. It warned its employees to be careful trading the shares of competitors because Medivation’s employees possess nonpublic information that can affect those companies’ stock prices as well. “For anyone to use such information to gain personal benefit,” the policy stated, “is illegal.”

But ProPublica’s data show Hung, who has led a number of biopharma companies and has been described in the press as a master dealmaker, risked violating the company’s policy by trading in the securities of competitors. During the decade-plus in which Hung led Medivation, most of his proceeds from securities transactions in companies other than his own involved the pharma sector.

With timely trading, he sometimes scored gains of hundreds of thousands of dollars or managed to avoid a calamitous loss. (The records show that he sometimes lost money as well.)

Securities experts with whom we described his trading patterns and high-ranking role (but not his name) said the investments appeared to show a top executive capitalizing on information not available to the average investor.

In July and August 2011, Hung’s tax records show, he sold more than a million dollars’ worth of stock in a company called Dendreon. Dendreon was then producing a promising prostate cancer therapy that Hung’s firm was competing against, working to get their own drug to market. The day after Hung sold the last of his two roughly half-million-dollar tranches of Dendreon stock in August, the company’s share price fell 67% because of poor sales and a lack of initial enthusiasm from doctors about its prostate cancer drug.

Industry experts said that when a pharmaceutical is in late-stage development, as Medivation’s drug was at the time, the company will normally have its representatives examine the competitive landscape, including surveying doctors’ offices about rival drugs. And business-side employees of companies, even competitors, frequently mingle and trade gossip at conferences.

A few months later, in October 2011, Hung again bought shares of Dendreon, but quickly made a U-turn days after, selling those shares off for about $150,000, essentially the same price he had bought them for. A week later, Hung announced that his company had learned that trials had gone so well for its own prostate cancer therapy that the drug was going to start being offered even to participants who had been given a placebo. “These results are both an important step toward making this life-extending potential treatment available to the prostate cancer community and a significant milestone for our company,” Hung said in a press release at the time.

Just as Hung announced his company’s promising results, Dendreon released lackluster quarterly earnings. Its stock fell 37%.

David Nierengarten, an analyst who covered both companies at the time, told ProPublica the earnings report caused most of the fall, but part of it could also be attributed to Medivation’s clinical trial results, which posed a threat to Dendreon’s market share. Hung’s spokesperson said that Hung did not know the outcome of his company’s clinical trials when he sold Dendreon’s shares.

Hung sold Dendreon shares on almost two dozen occasions over six years, with most of the trades for less than $150,000. Hung’s spokesperson denied he had any relevant nonpublic information when he made his Dendreon trades.

In one instance, tax records show Hung traded a competitor’s stock ahead of news he himself disclosed that experts said would likely qualify as material.

On Aug. 24, 2015, Hung announced that Medivation was acquiring a cancer-fighting medication from a company called BioMarin. The drug was one of a handful of cutting-edge new drugs that Hung hailed as an “exciting class of oncology therapeutics.”

What Hung didn’t say was that on the same day his company finalized the acquisition — but three days before the public announcement — he made a purchase in his personal stock trading account. He bought about $8 million in shares of Clovis Oncology, a company that was separately developing a drug in the same treatment category, known as “PARP inhibitors.”

After the acquisition, the pharmaceutical trade press noted that there was growing interest in this class of drugs. Hung’s deal marked the first big acquisition of a PARP inhibitor.

“Obviously all the PARPs are going to pop,” said Nierengarten, the analyst who covered Hung’s company. Clovis is a small company reliant on a small number of drugs, “so it’s really going to pop,” he said.

And it did. In the week after the Medivation agreement was announced, Hung’s stock purchase paid off: The price of Clovis shares increased by about 11%, a rise experts attributed partly to Hung’s drug acquisition.

By the time Hung sold the shares the next month, he netted $1.25 million in profit.

Hung’s spokesperson defended the trades, saying Hung did not believe Medivation’s acquisition of BioMarin’s drug would affect the share price of a company that made a drug in the same class.He also said most of the stock’s rise came in the days after the news of the acquisition, not the day of, which he said indicated Hung’s profit was attributable to other factors.

The Clovis shares that Hung bought represented the final step in what records show was a series of complex transactions involving what are known as stock options — arrangements to buy or sell a security at some future date. In April 2015, Hung started selling Clovis “put options.” That meant he was entering into a contract that gave another investor the right to sell Clovis shares to him in the near future at a specified price. It was essentially a bet by Hung that Clovis shares would remain at roughly the same price or rise (a sophisticated and unusual transaction for a typical retail investor).

In April and May, Hung sold a small number of his contracts. In June and July, he began selling more frequently and in larger quantities: 17 times as many contracts as he had sold in the previous two months. According to his spokesperson, this was around the time Hung was approached to buy BioMarin’s drug.

The expiration dates for the options were staggered. A large group of his contracts expired on the same day he finalized the drug acquisition.

At that moment, Hung had two choices, both seemingly unpleasant. According to his spokesperson, he likely could have paid cash to end the contracts, which would have resulted in an immediate loss since the options were for a higher stock price than Clovis was trading at on that day. The contracts also allowed him to buy the specified number of shares, a seemingly bad deal since he would pay anywhere from $75 to $85 per share for stock that was trading at less than $73.

But on that day, Hung knew something the market didn’t: that his company was about to announce it was buying Biomarin’s drug.

Hung bought about $8 million worth of Clovis shares. After his company’s announcement, Hung was in the black in a matter of days, even after he bought at the inflated price. The option trades had worked out beautifully. He sold the shares the next month, turning that $1.25 million profit.

Hung’s spokesperson pointed out that, taking into account all of the Clovis options he sold that year, Hung actually lost about $100,000. The time horizon for some of the contracts was much longer, with expiration dates into the following year. Hung, he said, held on to some of his contracts and ultimately lost money when the price of Clovis shares declined significantly a few months later. The spokesperson also said that someone trying to capitalize on nonpublic information could do so more efficiently by buying shares in a company rather than through a complicated series of options trades.

ProPublica described Hung’s options dealing in Clovis, without revealing his identity, to Dan Taylor, a professor at the Wharton School and a leading insider-trading expert. “The trades in question seem at best highly unethical and at worst they may be illegal,” Taylor said. “I would caution any and all executives from engaging in the behavior described here. There's significant legal jeopardy if that behavior was brought to the attention of regulators.”

Harry Sloan did not make his name in the health care industry. He came to prominence in Hollywood.

But in 2017 Sloan made a sizable bet on Juno Therapeutics, a Seattle-based biopharma company focused on cancer treatments.

Sloan had never personally invested in Juno before. There’s also no sign in his tax records, which span the years 1999 to 2019, that he purchased options to invest in other companies.

But on Dec. 14 and 15, 2017, he did both for the first time in ProPublica’s tax data. He bought more than a quarter-million dollars of Juno call options, a contract giving him the right to buy the stock at a specific price. The options were “out of the money,” meaning the price was well over what the stock was trading at at the time. The bet would pay off only if Juno stock jumped significantly.

Options, especially out-of-the-money options like the ones Sloan bought, are risky but can carry huge rewards. You can win big if the stock price rises above the purchase price set by the contract. If Amazon stock sells for $125 a share, an option to buy a share at $130 is worthless at the expiration date unless the market price jumps above $130. If Amazon stays at $125, you’ve spent money for nothing. But if it soars to $175 a share, you stand to make a lot from a small investment.

Sloan’s timing proved prescient. The public didn’t know it yet, but December 2017 was a hugely significant moment in Juno’s history. The company had been privately negotiating to sell itself to Celgene, a leader in the field of cancer treatments. On the same days that Sloan bought his options, Celgene significantly raised its offer and Juno agreed to be taken over.

When The Wall Street Journal broke the news of the imminent acquisition a month later, Juno’s share price skyrocketed from $46 a share to $69, its largest one-day increase ever, and Sloan quickly cashed in. He sold much of his first tranche of options for $677,000. In two decades of records, it was the largest sale he’d made in a security of a company where he hadn’t been an insider.

In all, he claimed more than $1.1 million in profit from his Juno trades, a 450% return on the cost of his options.

Of the 251 trading days in 2017, there were only a dozen other days where Sloan could have purchased options and seen the stock’s price increase as much as it ultimately did over the short period he held the bulk of his position.

Through a spokesperson, Sloan, who has been a prominent fundraiser for presidential candidates on both sides of the aisle, declined to answer questions from ProPublica, instead providing a brief statement: “Any insinuation of unethical or improper activity here is false, and contrary to the reputation Mr. Sloan has developed over the course of his lifetime.”

ProPublica provided an anonymized description of Sloan’s trades to a former SEC commissioner, two former SEC attorneys and two leading insider trading academics. All five said this sort of fact pattern could draw scrutiny from regulators because of how well-timed the trades were, and how anomalous compared to Sloan’s trades before and after.

"If you see out-of-the-money call options, no prior history of trading in that name, excellent timing and a large profit, generally yes, I would expect that to draw attention from regulators," former SEC Commissioner Allison Herren Lee said.

A remarkably timed trade may be even more suspicious, she said, if a trader had some sort of personal tie to the niche industry the company is in.

Though much of his career was in Hollywood — Sloan had been an entertainment lawyer and eventually became CEO of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer — he is not without his connections to biotech and the subsector Juno was in. Sloan knew Arie Belldegrun, one of the leaders in the field of “CAR T-cell” therapy, a novel cancer treatment in which human cells are modified to attack cancer cells. It is the same niche that Juno specialized in. Sloan and Belldegrun were both active in art philanthropy, backing the same Los Angeles art museum at least as far back as 2013; Belldegrun’s wife co-hosted a VIP screening in 2011 for a movie produced by Sloan’s wife. And Sloan donated $3.2 million to Belldegrun’s lab at UCLA in 2017.

Belldegrun was previously CEO of Kite Pharma, a Juno competitor, before selling his company just months before Juno was acquired. Around the time that Sloan was investing in Juno call options, Belldegrun was starting a new CAR-T company. (Four years later, in 2021, Sloan helped take public a biological engineering firm called Ginkgo Bioworks. One of his partners in that venture was Belldegrun.)

There is no evidence that Sloan and Belldegrun ever discussed Juno. Belldegrun did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Robert Stiller made his fortune off smoking paraphernalia and coffee. He helped launch E-Z Wider, rolling papers used for joints and cigarettes, before founding Green Mountain Coffee Roasters, the multibillion-dollar company that helped popularize K-Cup coffee pods. That role propelled him to business celebrity, as Forbes declared him “entrepreneur of the year” in 2001.

After Stiller left Green Mountain, he served as chairman of the board of AgNovos, a bone health startup. There, the board Stiller led hired a special adviser: Stephen MacMillan, an experienced medical technologies executive. By the end of 2013, MacMillan was named CEO of Hologic, another medical technology company, but he stayed on at AgNovos as a special adviser to Stiller.

Within a few months, Stiller began investing in Hologic for the first time — and aggressively.

On 33 days between March 2014 and January 2015, he bought a total of $9.8 million in call options in MacMillan’s company. Each was a win, netting him a combined $29 million in profit, almost a 300% return. Stiller’s tax records show no indication that he purchased options in companies other than Hologic and Green Mountain from 1999 to 2019.

The rise in Hologic’s share price was driven largely by revenue growth from its innovative line of mammogram devices, which are more effective than standard breast scans because they provide a three-dimensional view that helps reveal smaller tumors before they’ve grown. The company began reporting particularly strong growth from that product line in late April 2014, after Stiller’s first purchases. The excitement around the product grew from there, as the line continued to beat Wall Street’s revenue expectations and more studies affirmed its effectiveness. The company would have noticed orders picking up months before revenue numbers were announced, according to an industry expert who asked not to be named to avoid antagonizing industry contacts.

Stiller began buying call options in early March.

Reached by phone, Stiller said he invested in Hologic because he had confidence in MacMillan, but said MacMillan never shared detailed information about the company’s inner workings with him. “I would ask him, ‘How are things going?’ and he’d say, ‘Good,’” Stiller said. (MacMillan did not respond to requests for comment.)

Stiller said he thought he had purchased options in other companies during that period as well, but couldn’t name examples. He said he might have also bought shares of Hologic in addition to options, though he didn’t know when.

He acknowledged that buying call options in a company run by someone he knew, before it announced good news, “might not look good” and said that in retrospect he might have refrained. “I always have acted under the highest ethical shit, and I understand insider trading, and I would never do it, and I would never ask anybody else to do it,” Stiller said. “It’s just not in my DNA.”

Even by Stiller’s account of his discussions with MacMillan, his trades risked running afoul of the law. ProPublica described Stiller’s trades, without identifying him, to Chip Loewenson, a longtime white-collar defense attorney who has handled insider trading cases.

“What you described sounds like it could be insider trading,” Loewenson said. “Even if you take his word for it, that all he asked is how it’s going, and he says it’s going well, that could be material nonpublic information.” As Loewenson described it, a one-word answer about how a company is faring could be polite chitchat — or it could carry meaning. “Is that something a reasonable investor would want to know? If you think you're getting an honest answer, yes.”

In 2018, Jim Mullen, a veteran biopharma executive who previously was CEO of biotech powerhouse Biogen and chairman of the Biotechnology Innovation Organization, became chairman of the board of Editas Medicine, a firm based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, that uses gene editing techniques to treat rare diseases. (Mullen stepped down earlier this month after his term ended.) The publicly traded company collaborates with Celgene to use its technology to develop cancer therapies.

Mullen’s tax records show he had unsuccessfully traded in and out of Celgene before in relatively small amounts, but on Dec. 18, 2018, he made his biggest purchase ever of the company’s shares: $73,000 worth, almost as much as all his other past purchases combined.

His timing was excellent.

Celgene was at the time in secret negotiations to be acquired by pharma giant Bristol Myers Squibb. The day before Mullen bought the shares, Celgene had expanded the circle of people who knew about the takeover talks. According to subsequent SEC filings, Celgene informed an unidentified pharma company about the potential acquisition in hopes of soliciting a higher competing bid. The action also raised the risk that the secret talks might leak. (The company that was approached, which would have had to be orders of magnitude bigger than Editas to consider buying Celgene, declined to make a competing offer.)

The next day — the same day Mullen bought shares in Celgene — Celgene’s executive committee decided to move forward with Bristol Myers.

Two weeks after Mullen’s purchase, the deal was announced, sending Celgene’s shares soaring, and ultimately earning Mullen $46,000 in profit and a return of more than 60%.

Mullen and Editas did not respond to requests for comment.

Get in touch

ProPublica plans to continue reporting on the stock trading of the wealthy. If you have information about the executives mentioned in this article, or others trading in companies they have ties to, please get in touch. Robert Faturechi can be reached by email at robert.faturechi@propublica.org and by Signal or WhatsApp at 213-271-7217. Ellis Simani can be reached by email at ellis.simani@propublica.org or by Signal at 253-237-3458.

Data background and limitations

When an investor sells stocks, bonds or other securities through a broker, the firm is generally required to issue a tax form called a 1099-B, which describes the asset sold, the proceeds from the sale and the date the sale occurred. The brokerage provides copies of the 1099-B both to the investor and to the IRS. ProPublica’s universe of trades was drawn from tens of millions of these records, part of a larger set of records that formed the basis of ProPublica’s series “The Secret IRS Files.”

ProPublica’s database does not include a complete picture of all trades made by or for investors. Investments made through a separate legal entity like a partnership, for example, are not included. Additionally, 1099-B forms are produced when an asset is sold, not when it is purchased. Many records, however, did list the date the securities were acquired, so ProPublica’s reporters were often able to see a portion of an investor's purchasing activity. Securities that were purchased but not sold until recently are not included in the data.

The dataset spans roughly two decades. Trades from more recent years generally include more information because disclosure requirements have increased over the years. That additional detail allowed ProPublica to better determine how successful the individuals in our data were in the stock market. For stock bought before 2011, brokers were required to report the date it was sold and the total proceeds it generated but not the price paid.

Not all options transactions have to be reported. Purchased options bestow the right to buy or sell shares at a certain price. If they’re successful, they can be closed out in one of two ways. Instead of actually buying or selling the shares, the holder can opt for a cash payment, a common method that is supposed to be explicitly labeled as such in the type of tax forms ProPublica reviewed. Or the holder can buy the shares at the discounted price. That kind of transaction would only be reported to the IRS once the shares are sold, and when they are, they are not required to be listed as shares originally received as part of an option payout.

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Paul Kiel and Jeff Ernsthausen contributed reporting, and Doris Burke contributed research.

by Ellis Simani and Robert Faturechi

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