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Senate Committee Authorizes Subpoenas of Harlan Crow and Leonard Leo as Part of Supreme Court Ethics Probe
ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.
The Senate Judiciary Committee voted on Thursday to authorize subpoenas of billionaire businessman Harlan Crow and conservative legal activist Leonard Leo as part of the committee’s ongoing effort to investigate ethics lapses by Supreme Court justices.
But the ultimate fate of the subpoenas is uncertain. If Crow and Leo defy the information requests — which ask for a detailed accounting of gifts, transportation and lodging the two men provided or helped organize for Supreme Court justices and the justices’ relatives — Democrats would need a 60-vote majority to enforce the subpoenas. Currently, Democrats hold a one-vote advantage in Congress’ upper chamber.
Republicans have mounted fierce opposition to the inquiry into Crow and Leo, who have for months refused to comply with the committee’s requests. The vote to issue the subpoenas fell along party lines, with all 11 of the Democrats voting in favor and most Republicans walking out of the hearing in protest as the vote was taken.
Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., the Judiciary Committee chairman, said at Thursday’s hearing that the revelations reported by news organizations including ProPublica spurred the committee’s action to demand more information about people close to the justices.
As ProPublica reported, Crow, a major Republican donor and real estate magnate, paid for lavish travel and gifts for Justice Clarence Thomas over a span of decades — gifts that Thomas repeatedly failed to disclose. ProPublica also revealed that Leo, an architect of the high court’s conservative majority, helped organize a trip to Alaska for Justice Samuel Alito that included a private jet flight provided by Paul Singer, a hedge-fund billionaire who later had business before the nation’s highest court. Alito did not disclose the flight.
“Both Leonard Leo and Harlan Crow are central players in this crisis,” Durbin said. “Their attempts to thwart legitimate oversight efforts of Congress should concern all of us.”
In response to the subpoena vote, Leo said in a statement: “Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats have been destroying the Supreme Court; now they are destroying the Senate. I will not cooperate with this unlawful campaign of political retribution.”
A spokesperson for Crow said in a statement that the subpoena was “invalid” and demonstrated “the unlawful and partisan nature of this investigation.” But the spokesperson added that Crow had offered “extensive information” to the committee and “remains willing to engage with the Committee in good faith, just as he has consistently done throughout this process.”
Justices Thomas and Alito have said they weren't required to disclose the gifts and trips unearthed by ProPublica and other news outlets. In response to previous stories, Crow and Leo have said they did nothing wrong in their dealings with the justices.
On Nov. 13, the Supreme Court announced its own code of ethics for the first time in history, governing conflicts of interests, gifts and recusal standards. But ethics experts noted that the new code contains no enforcement mechanism, and Durbin said it “falls far short” of what the public should expect from the nation’s highest court.
Republicans on the Judiciary Committee used Thursday’s hearing to air a litany of grievances against their Democratic counterparts for seeking to subpoena Crow and Leo.
Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, the committee’s top Republican, called the subpoena effort “garbage,” “a jihad” and “political theater.” Even though the committee subpoenaed private citizens several years ago under Graham’s leadership during an investigation into the federal government’s handling of Russian interference in the 2016 election, Graham said Democrats had unfairly targeted private citizens for retribution in the case of Crow and Leo.
He also accused Democrats of acting at the behest of unnamed “outside” forces and questioned why they hadn’t moved to a full vote on an existing judicial ethics bill.
“I don’t buy one bit [that] this is about fixing a problem,” Graham said on Thursday. “This is about an ongoing effort to destroy this court, to destroy Clarence Thomas’ reputation, to pack the court, to get your way.”
In a statement after the vote, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I., a committee member and vocal supporter of judicial ethics reform, questioned the strong opposition from his Republican counterparts.
“Republicans have said our investigation into billionaire influence at the Court will destroy the institution,” he said. “All of this obstruction raises the question: what are Republicans so concerned we will find has been happening at the Court that it will destroy the institution? Whatever it is, the American people should know about it, and today’s vote was a big step toward learning the truth.”
Until recently, there was bipartisan agreement on the need for oversight and ethics reforms focused on the judicial branch, including the Supreme Court.
Sen. Richard Durbin, D-Ill., the Judiciary Committee chairman, left, and Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc/Getty Images)In February 2021, Graham teamed up with Whitehouse to ask Chief Justice John Roberts about when the high court planned to create a code of ethics or at least bring its rules about accepting and disclosing gifts in line with the other branches of government.
In June 2021, Whitehouse and Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., co-signed a letter that requested information from the U.S. Marshals Service about Supreme Court justices’ travel and the costs to taxpayers for providing security to the jurists.
And in 2022, Republican and Democratic lawmakers passed legislation that extended disclosure rules and regulations around stock trades by elected officials to include judges.
But ever since Democrats first began asking Leo, Crow and several other individuals about their interactions with the justices, Republicans have strongly pushed back. Republican senators offered 177 amendments to the Crow and Leo subpoenas that touched on everything from liberal dark money groups to border-security policy. The amendments were not taken up at Thursday’s hearing.
Democrats on the Judiciary Committee initially requested information from Crow back in May in response to ProPublica’s reporting about his relationship with Thomas. Then, in July, Whitehouse and Durbin asked Leo for similar information about his dealings with justices after ProPublica disclosed Leo’s role in arranging Alito’s 2008 Alaska trip.
Thomas and Alito have said they weren’t required to disclose the gifts and trips. In response to previous stories, Crow and Leo have said they did nothing wrong in their dealings with the justices.
Durbin said Crow had offered to provide five years’ worth of information to the committee, but Democrats said that failed to fully respond to their requests. Leo, for his part, has entirely refused to cooperate with the committee. A month ago, Democrats announced that they planned to issue subpoenas for Crow and Leo.
Still, Democrats have managed to gather new information as part of their inquiry.
Several weeks ago, Durbin announced that Robin Arkley II, a longtime donor to conservative legal groups who provided free lodging to Alito on the 2008 Alaska fishing trip, had cooperated by providing information to the committee. Democrats on the Senate Finance Committee, meanwhile, received and publicized financial information received from Anthony Welters, a businessman who provided a personal loan to Thomas to purchase an RV. According to the Welters’ information released by the committee, Thomas did not repay “a substantial portion” of the $267,230 loan he received from Welters.
If Crow and Leo defy the subpoenas issued on Thursday, what comes next isn’t immediately clear. In an earlier interview, Whitehouse told ProPublica that he believed there were several options available to enforce the subpoenas, including using “an old Senate rule” under which enforcement would be handled directly by the U.S. attorney general if the Justice Department agreed to do so.
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Journalists must be allowed to cover protests and their aftermath
Police reportedly teargassed journalists and activists at a protest earlier this month against the police training facility known as Cop City. Then reporters were told the area was a "crime scene," and they'd be arrested if they returned. "Cop City" by Chad Davis. is licensed under CC BY 2.0.
Protests are newsworthy. Police arresting and assaulting protesters is newsworthy. Journalists should be able to safely report on both protests and their aftermath.
None of that seems particularly controversial, especially when police departments nationwide are forced to pay large sums to settle claims arising from their illegal treatment of journalists covering protests after George Floyd’s murder. You’d think cops would learn their lesson.
Yet, law enforcement officials across the country continue to harass journalists as they attempt to document demonstrations, despite their posing no risk to police operations or public safety. Too often, authorities face no consequences for their actions.
The latest examples come from Washington, D.C., and Atlanta, Georgia. Unfortunately, neither case is receiving the kind of national attention that is needed to foster accountability or dissuade similar conduct going forward.
Muzzled at the museum
Freelance journalist Will Allen-DuPraw was assigned to film protesters handing out flyers encouraging patrons at Washington’s National Gallery of Art to call on President Joe Biden to declare a climate emergency. This wasn’t some out-of-control riot — there were two protesters. After one was arrested for refusing orders to leave the museum, Allen-DuPraw asked him for comment. Then a security guard blocked Allen-DuPraw’s camera and handcuffed him as well.
Allen-DuPraw was later released without charges, but he should’ve never been detained in the first place, especially at a museum run by the federal government. Says who? Says the federal government. A recent Department of Justice report on the Minneapolis Police Department’s response to Black Lives Matter protests says the following:
“The First Amendment requires that any restrictions on when, where, and how reporters gather information ‘leave open ample alternative channels’ for gathering the news. Blanket enforcement of dispersal orders and curfews against press violates this principle because they foreclose the press from reporting about what happens after the dispersal or curfew is issued, including how police enforce those orders.”
Federal appellate courts have said the same, although, prior to the Minneapolis report, the DOJ disagreed.
Allen-Dupraw wasn’t even ordered to disperse — nor could he have (lawfully) been, given that he was causing no disturbance whatsoever. But the detainment unlawfully prevented him from exercising his constitutional right to report on the protesters’ arrests. He can sue to vindicate his own rights, and safeguard those of future journalists, if he chooses. But the public can never get back the news it missed out on.
It’s great that the DOJ has reversed its prior position and acknowledged the First Amendment freedoms of journalists covering protests. But if it only says so on page 52 of a report, unlikely to be read by people without a specific interest in the Minneapolis Police Department, what does that accomplish?
The DOJ needs to make clear to federal agencies and officials, including those working security at federal buildings, that the First Amendment requires them to allow journalists to report on protests and their fallout, and that the DOJ will not defend their actions if they don’t.
Cop City ‘crime scene’ con
At the same time, the protests against the Atlanta police training facility commonly known as “Cop City” continue to prompt outrageous First Amendment violations.
While the unprecedented anti-racketeering case against activists and protesters has rightfully received the lion’s share of attention lately, the press certainly has not been spared from authorities’ unconstitutional crackdown on dissent.
When police tear-gassed a protest against “Cop City” earlier this month, journalists and others on the scene said cops appeared to deliberately target the press with the first canister. If that’s correct it’s reprehensible and the journalists who were targeted absolutely should sue.
But police didn’t stop there. When reporters attempted to reenter the area where the protest occurred, gas-masked officers told them they couldn’t, and ordered them to disperse or be arrested because the area was a “crime scene.”
To the best of our knowledge, police were not attempting to, for example, preserve evidence as part of an investigation into any particular crime. They just called the entire area a crime scene, presumably based on claims that protesters had trespassed or gotten out of hand.
Even before the DOJ opined that dispersing journalists along with protesters is unconstitutional, authorities were required by the First Amendment to exclude journalists from public spaces only pursuant to reasonable “time, place, and manner” restrictions.
That means exclusions must be necessary, as narrow as possible, and leave journalists viable options to observe and report from elsewhere.
Cops can’t use “crime scene” as magic words to get around those well-established constitutional principles and evade media scrutiny. And when they try that or other illegal ploys to circumvent the Constitution, journalists and everyone who values the First Amendment should loudly and publicly call them out.
Update: Responding to harassment of journalists at protests can sometimes feel like a game of whack-a-mole. Immediately after publishing this article we learned that sheriffs in Arizona this morning arrested NPR reporter Alisa Reznick as she walked back to her car from covering a protest against the Israel-Gaza war. They said she didn’t leave quickly enough but the First Amendment says she shouldn’t have to leave at all.
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